SAK's “strike bomb” and the convergence of compromise

Wednesday 6.3. A number of SAK unions reported extensive actions that the press has called a "lacquer bomb" or "lacquer" or other one of the other names. Unlike previous strike activities, the actions reported last as much as two weeks (March 11 - March 24) are very centrally targeted at the Finnish export industry. At the same time, SAK offers more open compromise.

Lacquatics

The strikes have been reported by the SAK Automobile and Transport Workers' Union ACP, the Public and Welfare Association JHL, the Industry Association, the Electricity Association and the Service Trade Union PAM and the STTK Trade Union Pro. SAK says in her announcement in his announcement : “Actions are targeted at export and imports in ports and track. There are also large industrial plants and distribution terminals. About 7,000 employees are covered by the lacquer of key areas. ” Of these 7,000 employees, 4,000 are covered by the Industrial Federation.

This is in high contrast. For example, the Industrial Union has only 11 strike sites. By comparison, there were 753 laconic offices in mid -February, and according to the Finnish Industry Association, the strike was about 60,000 industrial employees.

At the heart of the strike is three unions: the Industrial Federation, which includes 11 production plants (four companies: fluid, Okmetic, Outokumpu and SSAB factories), and the ACP, which closes the trade ports, and the JHL whose strike concerns the passage of goods on track. Other unions play a very helpful and secondary role. For example, pam is reported that it "supports the strikes and has decided that service workers will also strike on the strikes of these unions". Larger lacquer -loading unions also financially assist the load -bearing federations.

A two -week strike sounds like a powerful effort, what image is supported by the rhetoric used in some bourgeois press and from the mouth of the government and the bourgeois unions. But in fact, it's not that dramatic.

Confederation of Finnish Industries EK tells that the price tag for reported strikes will be estimated at EUR 320 million. The price tag for the previous strike in February evaluated 380 million, while summarizing that the total amount of the strikes reported until then will rise to nearly one billion. In other words, for the price tag, the latest strike round is, according to EK estimates, lighter for companies.

Also, on the employee side, the attack is more moderate. For all sectors, the figures become less accurate and the invoices are more complicated, so we are just about the Industrial Federation, which has been the most important unions at all stages. If 4,000 people are on strike for 10 days (because the week of work is 5, not 7 days), a total of 40,000 working days will be lost due to the strike. In the last round, the industry had a 3-day strike, which covered 60,000 employees-so on working days, 180,000 working days were talked about (though the strikes are of course not accommodated or will be realized to that extent). With such mathematics, the strikes of the last strike of the Industrial Federation were 4.5 times bigger than the upcoming round.

It is very much to talk about that SAK and STTK on Thursday 1.2. 13,000 people participated in the "stop now" demonstration, while the strike (or at least its "key areas") comprises only 7,000 people.

Undoubtedly, a motive can be money. In the last round, the Industrial Association paid its members a strike grant of EUR 100. The 180,000 working days would thus make EUR 18 million. Now the Industrial Federation is reported That it costs € 166 for each 14 days, so it would make for 4,000 people over 9 million. In other words, the strike grants paid by the Industrial Federation drop to half the last round. In this sense too, the actions of the unions are more moderate.

Thus, the latest strikes are seen in the federations with a retreat while the strikes are concentrated in the export industry, which bourgeois economists consider to be a locomotive in the Finnish economy (according to Marxism, this is at most a partiality, since in imperialism, financial capital has a dominant position compared to other forms of capital).

But it is far from Marxism if it is stared at the fact that strikes look like an ingenious power of the powerful tactically where they would have the most felt most. Marxist tactics are not based on the fact that a small number of people make a cunning movement, but is based on mobilizing troops. And specifically for the troops, the deepest and widest troops at this point completely cropped outside of strikes. The strikes are the highest proportion of workers' aristocracy. Is this a sign of strength or weakness?

Let us remember how Lenin quotes Engels and confronts each other with a poor, declining labor -and -linguistic and strong, rising ground floor: “In a letter dated April 19, 1890:“ Movement (working -class movement in England) progresses to the surface layer lower and, according to the increasingly wider layers and besides, mostly lowest (italics in the Engels) of the troops that have so far been in place and are no longer far away the day when those troops find themselves , that makes it clear that they themselves are that gigantic mobility troops. ” March 1891: “The failure of the broken union of port workers,“ old ”, conservative Trade Unions, which are rich And just for that reason, they are left alone on the battlefield "… September 14, 1891: The Old Unionists, 8-hour working days, were won at the Trade Unions' Newcast Congress," Even the bourgeois magazines recognize bourgeois loss "(italics everywhere in Engels)…" (imperialism and dispersion of the socialist movement). And so on, and so on.

In this context, we want to remind the red flag of February from the conclusion : “When Orpo's government and trade unions go to the negotiating table and reach a compromise, it is a compromise similar to the Sipilä Kiky Agreement-in other words, an agreement against the working class, which the unions must make a false“ victory ”. To this end, and as part of their general function, yellow trade unions need to break down the optimism, victory and confidence of the troops in their own forces. This psychological operation is already underway at a full pace, with workers who require a general strike, or generally only a harder line, by the federal bosses that tougher extracts will weaken the position. ”

It is this pacifization of troops that appears more clearly in SAK's lacquer tactics.

Bag: a compromise site

On Tuesday in the press release SAK lists 5 examples of things it has been ready to negotiate with the government. Jarkko Eloranta, Chairman of SAK tells SAK had had discussions behind the scenes with the government, and that in these discussions, "we have come well over the Pitkänsilta against the government's goals, but there has been no desire to continue discussing, nor in compromise thoughts go beyond it."

Of course, we do not know what SAK and the government have discussed behind the scenes, until sometimes, maybe years later, someone in the discussions remembers things to the public. But we know which five things SAK himself wants to say: 1. The reduction of earnings -related cuts to certain groups; 2. The fact that local agreement can be made primarily by a shop steward and, in the second, a trustee or a whole personnel, but not "other"; 3. The regulation of local agreement, especially in companies that do not have a trade union representative; 4. No adventure of adult education allowance; 5. Taking political strikes to the relativeity of the Labor Court.

What kind of compromise do they tell? Let's start with the easiest, the second example-the Minister of Labor Arto Satonen (co) said the same evening in the A-studio that "the rest" has been removed from the local agreement (is the claim true, seen when the draft proposal is given to Parliament and thus publicity; currently in the consultation). The third example, in turn, is primarily a question of securing the interests of yellow federal centers to chain troops. The fourth example is also related to the special stresses of the unions, as adult education support is provided by a joint employment fund for trade unions and bourgeois unions; This is a detail related to Finnish professional corporatism. The fifth example is also the same because it itself - restricting political strikes - does not change, but only the instance that decides; The Labor Court is reminded of SAK, as 4 of its 16 members are appointed by bourgeois unions and 4 trade unions, while the government wants to restrict the strikes by law and not by a corporate court.

Thus, one of the five examples could be acknowledged as a matter where the government has agreed to compromise, and three are those in which SAK defends his own corporate interests, while trying to disguise it into something "public benefit". For example, adult education support is part of a broader education policy issue with a red flag placed In its context, presenting the following crystallization: "Finnish imperialism, under the guidance of major cities, strives for the forefront of new technology to grow as the living standards decline everywhere." This - but the most important thing for SAK is the adult education allowance handled by the bourgeois unions.

At a quick glance, however, in the first example, SAK would indeed be on the deepest and widest troops, as it explains: "Surgery of earnings -related unemployment insurance must be reduced to low -wage, families with children and the elderly." First of all, this fine compromise allows the government to hit the listed groups, as "this can be accomplished, for example, by transferring a daily allowance to a subsequent staggering, partially restoring the children's elevations and facilitating the chances of the elderly." Let us repeat, "transferring later," "by partially", "by facilitating opportunities". This means that SAK accepts the cuts on these, but hopes that they will be targeted even slightly less.

But even more interesting is that SAK will grab that, a little, perhaps populist, when the government itself has stated in its government program its own leading labor market leadership so clearly: "It is the duty of the working capacity and working age to participate in the labor market and make it possible to improve their working capacity and labor market position." And SAK sticks to one stem or rather a small detail from the stem!

Lenin has taught me to make a difference between compromises and compromises: "Every proletar has experience with strikes, experience with" compromises "with hated oppressors and exploiters, and workers have had to work without any improvement or partial satisfaction. The crowdfight and the sharp escalation of class oppositions in modern times helps every proletar to notice in which compromise is forced by objective circumstances (when the strikers of the strikers are poor when not getting help from otherwise hungry and starved) and does not reduce the faith of such compromise The revolution and their knowledge continues the battle in which such a compromise differs from the trades made by the traitors, the traitors who defend their selfish selfish self -benefit (also lacquer crippers make a "compromise"!), Fearing, humble desire to serve capitals , persuasive, bribe and flattering… "(" Leftism "as pediatric disease in communism). It is obvious, as a strange compromise, we consider the compromise driven by SAK.

Spots of compromise?

For all SAK compromise proposals, the government will not agree, and it would undoubtedly be a strange compromise if SAK could get its own compromise proposal as such.

It is noteworthy, however, that Satonen leaves the door open to compromises. Tuesday 5.3. The A-studio reporter asked him, “Eloranta would like to go there [Friday's tripartite debate] other things [other than the pay model]. Is this just theater now? Do you have some kind of concessions or arrival? ”

To this, the Minister of Labor replied, “Well as I said, of course, this is also the details of the local agreement. Such a final government proposal has not yet been made. Of course, there are some details of what can be viewed. Of course, these peace of mind, unemployment insurance - when they are already in Parliament, then we are already quite advanced and then Parliament is the one who says its last word. ”

With those words, Satonen, who has struck a strict and unyielding line so far, says that some details, ie - in Finnish, can be considered a compromise on local agreement.

On Thursday, March 7, Satonen flashed several times during Parliament's Question Time that an agreement from an export -driven wage model could be reached, the employee benefit of the local agreement could be opened. This is a mirror image at the SAK's request that the government must come to the local agreement in order to agree to negotiate the payroll. Thus, in the public debate, it is already realized that the parties are ready to discuss the same Making mutual compromises.

At the same time, the Minister of Labor has also flashed that the Committee on Work and Equality could be fine-tuned, for example, to local agreement. It is typical that the committees will make changes to government bill. By hiding its arrival in committee proceedings, the government could make concessions to trade unions without losing its face or acknowledging its retreat. If someone dared to point out that, the government could once again hide its "parliamentarism" behind which it has so loved to invoke when opposing the "foreign parliamentary influence" of the unions. When the concession formally takes place in the committee, the government does not have to propose that it has bent to SAK. Thus, this would be an appropriate form to deal with the matter.

For its part, the possibility of compromising in the committee, too, is that the vice chairman of the Committee on Work and Equality is Lauri Lyly (sd), former chairman of SAK, not only a very experienced negotiator because of his federal background, but also the expressive veteran director of the AY movement who piloted SAK: n to sign a kiky agreement.

Further, Turja Lehtonen, Vice Chairman of the Finnish Industry Association, has said Wednesday 6.3. In Studio A that if a genuine negotiating process starts, the strikes can be postponed.

In different directions, compromise is well presented. On the government side, one question may be the need to get a two -profile (between trade unions and bourgeois unions) solution to the pay model, as it has been a bit challenging to bring this to the legislation, and Satonen has repeatedly emphasized that he considers the best solution to the pay model.

Similarly, there are many hopes for the unions about that issue. Prime Minister Petteri Orpo convened the tripartite debate on Friday after the discussions had already disappeared. Returning to the discussion table takes place at the request of the Teachers' Trade Union OAJ. OAJ is not in favor of a government -driven export -driven wage model. It wants to discuss to find a cheaper solution for it.

There are significant disagreements between the unions, remembering that leaders of exports, especially the management of the Industrial Federation, are in favor of an export -driven wage model as it increases their power in the labor market. Instead, for example, Päivi Niemi-Laine, the former chairman of the JHL, had to resign after being in the SAK Representative Council in a minority in opposing the wage model. It may be that the compromise on the wage model is an export -driven wage model for some fine -tuning, which allow some public sector employees sometimes exceed the general line in some boundary conditions.

For local agreement, a compromise may include a wording that favors unions in the workplace as a guarantor of peace of mind.

Currently, it seems that the conditions and the need for a compromise are or are very close, but at the same time, only those who have participated in the discussions behind the scenes. It is not impossible for the government to run through the local agreement without any major compromise, and wait for the unions to come to the negotiating table from the wage desk - especially for SAK unions, it would be humiliating as they have not agreed to negotiate the wage model alone.

Finally

Finally, we would like to confirm what the Red Flag has said immediately after the publication of the government program on June 17, 2023 in her document in his document “In a revolutionary battle against Orpo's government”:

“The government also intends to develop corporativism with a strong hand. As a starting point, the government program states: "In order to strengthen Finland's long -term competitiveness, the government strengthens the export -driven labor market model". In order to emphasize this, it is recorded in the Labor Dispute Administration Act that "the general line of salary inspections cannot be exceeded by a reconciliation proposal from the National Mediator's office or by the Mediation Board." Local agreement is developed with a strong hand, and the government wants to promote "peace of mind".

The basic principle of local agreement in the program is: "The will of the government is that local agreement is equally possible for all companies, regardless of whether the company belongs to the Employers' Association or the kind of employee representation in the company." The corporative system with its trade unions and bourgeois unions remains a common framework through, for example, a TES system, where trade unions are chained by tying reconciliation to the "general line"; Local agreement will be developed alongside and as a supplement. Studies have shown that increasing local agreement may increase the average wages, but this hides the growth of pay gap as the highest wages rise and lower, thus increasing the division of workers into relatively privileged and more oppressive. As part of the local agreement, the "shop steward lock" is also removed, not only to facilitate locally agreed weaknesses for workers, but also, for example, the co-determination procedure. "

And: "When the right of strike is limited as possible as it is possible, for example under the agreement of the International Labor Organization (ILO), and mechanisms related to the" general line "and" local agreement "will be applied to the good reason that Finnish corporatism Power very much. Trade unions are starting to resemble a "work front" in Germany in the 30s in order to better fulfill their purpose to curb the class struggle. At the same time, working life is developing in a more "premaar" direction as real wages are reduced and exploitatively increases, and workers' mobility and labor market flexibility are increasing. ”

These have undoubtedly been the correct reviews.