Foi realizada, às 19h de terça-feira, a mesa-redonda “Palestina e o Direito Internacional” no auditório do Instituto de Ciências Sociais da Universidade de Brasília.
 
 
  Organizado pelo Grupo de Estudos Retóricas do Poder e Resistências (GERPOR-UnB) e pelo
  
   Comitê de Solidariedade à Palestina do Distrito Federal
   
  (CSP-DF), o evento teve por objetivo tratar dos usos e limitações do Direito Internacional no caso palestino e da perseguição judicial (
  
   lawfare
   
  ), no Brasil e no mundo, contra defensores da causa palestina.
 
  O evento contou com a presença das pesquisadoras palestinas Rula Shadid e Nada Awad, do comunicador Thiago Ávila e da diplomata Cláudia Assaf, que aproveitou a ocasião para anunciar vitória judicial contra o lobby sionista no Brasil. O advogado Thiago Guilherme, especialista em relações étnico-raciais e representante legal de Assaf no processo, mediou o debate.
 
  Nada Awad, coautora do relatório
  
   Apartheid israelense: ferramenta do colonialismo sionista
   
  , destacou a importância do enfrentamento de narrativas coloniais sobre a questão palestina. Conforme Nada, enfrentar a versão das potências imperialistas sobre os eventos é a condição para tratar da raiz da questão palestina.
 
   “Palavras, palavras, palavras… Não me importam!”
   
 
  Rula Shadid, diretora do
  
   Instituto Palestino para a Diplomacia Pública
   
  (PIPD) relatou sua indignação com o que ouviu em reuniões com deputados e representantes do Ministério das Relações Exteriores do governo Luís Inácio. A especialista demonstrou surpresa e decepção com o conteúdo das reuniões oficiais que teve durante sua visita ao Brasil, uma vez que considerava possível ter em Luiz Inácio e seu governo um aliado da causa Palestina.
 
  O Brasil segue mantendo negócios e acordos militares com um regime que o próprio Luiz Inácio já considerou cometedor de crimes similares ao holocausto nazista, apesar de em outra ocasião ter chamado a Resistência Nacional Palestina de “fanáticos”.
 
  Dezenas de acordos militares estão em vigor, neste momento, com o Estado de Israel, incluindo 36 obuseiros e drones fabricados pelo governo israelense. Para Rula, é inaceitável normalizar de tal maneira a realidade do genocídio contra os palestinos.
 
   Combatendo a perseguição política contra os defensores da causa Palestina
   
 
  Cláudia Assaf e Thiago Ávila são notórios divulgadores da causa palestina no Brasil. Por esse motivo, ambos são constantemente difamados e perseguidos de diversas formas pelo lobby sionista.
 
  “Construímos uma maioria social pró-palestina; e isso ninguém nos tira”, disse Thiago Ávila. O internacionalista crê que a maioria das massas de todo o mundo é hoje pró-Palestina, apesar dos esforços de propaganda imperialista e do controle que tal bloco exerce sobre a maior parte dos Estados-membros reconhecidos pelas Nações Unidas. Para Ávila, é preciso enfrentar sem medo as ameaças do
  
   lobby
   
  .
 
  Cláudia Assaf relatou os detalhes da perseguição judicial que sofreu por parte do lobby sionista. Ela foi processada criminalmente, sob acusação de antissemitismo, por um notório lobista israelense no Brasil – o mesmo que, recentemente, conseguiu condenar o jornalista judeu antissionista Breno Altman por antissemitismo.
 
  Com a ajuda de Thiago Guilherme, mediador do debate, Assaf conseguiu convencer o Judiciário brasileiro a arquivar, em duas instâncias, a acusação de que fora vítima. Tal vitória é importante, segundo ela, para a construção de jurisprudência em favor da liberdade de expressão dos militantes brasileiros contra o apartheid israelense.
 
  Destacou-se a importância de combater o uso desonesto da definição de antissemitismo da Associação Internacional para a Memória do Holocausto (IHRA). Thiago Guilherme classificou a definição como um “cavalo de Tróia” que mistura definições válidas de antissemitismo com a interdição de qualquer crítica ao regime israelense.
 
  De acordo com a IHRA, denunciar o fato objetivo do caráter racista do ente sionista, por exemplo – uma realidade inquestionável e fartamente documentada – seria antissemitismo. A adoção da IHRA por governadores reacionários de oito estados do Brasil, incluindo o Distrito Federal, é mais um sinal do avanço da perseguição política praticada pelo lobby sionista no Brasil.
 
  A mensagem final do evento, ecoada por todos os seus participantes, foi no sentido do encorajamento. Para Thiago Ávila, agora é a hora de redobrar os esforços no combate ao colonialismo israelense.
 
  “O que quer que aconteça com os palestinos também acontecerá com os demais povos do Sul Global”, afirmou Ávila.
 
 
 
PDF Content: PDF Source: 
AL-HAQ Israeli Apartheid Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism
Authors Rania Muhareb, Elizabeth Rghebi, Pearce Clancy, Joseph  Schechla, Nada Awad, and Maha Abdallah ISBN 978-9950-327-92-4 Design Hamza Dado Cover photo © Anne Paq/Activestills Publisher Al-Haq - © All Rights Reserved - 2022 Any quotation of up to 500 words may be used without permission provided that full  attribution is given. Longer quotations or entire chapters or sections of this study may  not be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical,  photocopying, recording or otherwise, or stored in any retrieval system of any nature,  without the express written permission of Al-Haq.Al-Haq - © All Rights ReservedAl-Haq - 54 Main Street 1st & 2nd Fl. - Opp. Latin Patriarchate  Saint Andrew’s Evangelical Church - (Protestant Hall) P.O.Box: 1413  - Ramallah - West Bank - Palestine  Tel:    + 970 2 2954646/7/9 Fax:   + 970 2 2954903  www.alhaq.org
Authors’ Information Rania Muhareb is an Irish Research Council and Hardiman PhD scholar at the Irish Centre for  Human Rights in the School of Law at the University of Galway. She is an Al-Shabaka policy  member and a former legal researcher and advocacy officer at Al-Haq. She holds an LLM in  international human rights and humanitarian law from the European University Viadrina  Frankfurt (Oder) and an undergraduate degree from Sciences Po Paris, Campus Moyen-Orient  Méditerranée à Menton. Elizabeth Rghebi is the Levant researcher at the Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies,  based in Tunis. She received her MA in Middle Eastern studies from Columbia University in the  City of New York and her BA in government from Georgetown University. Pearce Clancy is an Irish Research Council PhD scholar at the Irish Centre for Human Rights in  the School of Law at the University of Galway and holds the National University of Ireland’s EJ  Phelan Fellowship in International Law. Pearce is a former legal researcher at Al-Haq. Joseph Schechla coordinates the Geneva and Cairo-based Housing and Land Rights Network  of Habitat International Coalition. As a United Nations official, he has also represented the  Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights in Palestine and Tunisia and served  as consultant for the International Labour Organization and the United Nations Support  Mission in Libya. With an academic background in international relations, Joseph has  studied in the United States and Germany, receiving an MA in contemporary Arab studies  from Georgetown University. Nada Awad is a Palestinian activist with a master’s degree in international relations and  international security from Sciences Po Paris. Her work focuses on addressing human rights  violations through the United Nations Human Rights Council and its mechanisms. She was  previously responsible for the Advocacy Unit at Al-Quds University’s Community Action Center,  where she focused on the forcible transfer of Palestinians from Jerusalem. Nada also worked  as an archival researcher at the Institute for Palestine Studies in Beirut. Maha Abdallah is a legal researcher and human rights advocate. She has authored reports and  publications in international human rights, humanitarian, and criminal law and in the areas  of economic, social, and cultural rights, and business and human rights. Maha has carried  out advocacy before United Nations and European Union institutions. She holds an LLM in  international human rights law from the Irish Centre for Human Rights and a BA in political  science, specialising in international law, from The American University in Cairo.
© Al-Haq Images Library
Endorsing Organisations .......................................................................... I Table of Abbreviations ............................................................................. IV Acknowledgements ................................................................................... VI Dedication .................................................................................................... VII 1. Overview ................................................................................................. 1 1.1. An Ongoing Advocacy Campaign ................................................................................................... 5 1.2. Zionism and the Roots of Israeli Apartheid ............................................................................... 11 1.3. Establishing Israeli Apartheid ....................................................................................................... 13 1.4. Maintaining Israeli Apartheid ........................................................................................................ 15 1.5. The Need for a Comprehensive Articulation of the Apartheid Framework ........................ 18 1.6. Individual Criminal, State, and Corporate Responsibility for Israeli Apartheid ............... 24 1.7. Dismantling Israeli Apartheid ....................................................................................................... 29 2. Introduction ............................................................................................ 31 2.1. Growing Recognition of Israeli Apartheid .................................................................................. 33 2.2. Methodology ...................................................................................................................................... 37 3. Zionist Ideology and the Roots of Israeli Apartheid .................... 39 3.1. Origins of Israeli Apartheid ............................................................................................................ 40 3.2. Zionist Settler Colonialism ............................................................................................................. 41 3.3. Fragmentation and the Limits of International Humanitarian Law ...................................... 52Table of Contents
4. Constructing Apartheid ....................................................................... 57 4.1. The Prohibition of Apartheid ......................................................................................................... 59 4.2. Elements of the Crime against Humanity of Apartheid ........................................................... 67 5. Israel’s Apartheid Legal Regime ........................................................ 77 5.1. The Central Task of Zionist Parastatal Institutions .................................................................. 78 5.2. Nationality, Citizenship, and Residency Rights  ........................................................................ 84 5.3. (Denying) Land and Property Rights ........................................................................................... 99 5.4. Fragmenting the Palestinian People ............................................................................................ 111 6. Israel’s Policies to Maintain Apartheid ............................................ 121 6.1  Arbitrary Deprivation of Life ........................................................................................................... 122 6.2  Denying Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights: The Example of the Right to Health ...... 135 6.3  Arbitrary Detention and Illegal Imprisonment .......................................................................... 154 6.4  Torture and Other Ill-Treatment .................................................................................................... 158 6.5  Collective Punishment ..................................................................................................................... 160 6.6 Persecution and Silencing of Opposition to Apartheid ............................................................ 163 7. Responsibility and Accountability for Israel’s                                    Apartheid Regime ................................................................................. 167 7.1. Third State Duty to Cooperate ....................................................................................................... 167 7.2. Universal Jurisdiction ....................................................................................................................... 171 7.3. The ICC .................................................................................................................................................. 172 7.4. Corporate Complicity ........................................................................................................................ 173 7.5. The UN Database of Businesses Operating with Israeli Settlements ................................... 175 7.6. UN Anti-Apartheid Mechanisms .................................................................................................... 178 8. Conclusion ............................................................................................... 181
9. Recommendations ................................................................................ 183 9.1. To all States ........................................................................................................................................ 183 9.2. To the High Contracting Parties to the Geneva Conventions ................................................. 188 9.3. On States’ Duty to Ensure Corporate Accountability ............................................................... 190 9.4.	To	Palestinian	Officials	................................................................................... ..................................	 191 9.5. To Member States of the Human Rights Council ....................................................................... 192 9.6. To UN Special Procedures ............................................................................................................... 192 9.7. To UN Treaty Bodies ......................................................................................................................... 193 9.8. To the Ongoing UN Commission of Inquiry ................................................................................. 193 9.9. To the CEIRPP and Other UN Bodies ............................................................................................ 194 9.10.  To the UN General Assembly ........................................................................................................ 194 9.11.  To the ICJ ............................................................................................................................................ 194 9.12.  To the UN Security Council ........................................................................................................... 195 9.13.  To Parliamentarians ....................................................................................................................... 195 9.14.  To Local and Other Sub-national Spheres of Government ................................................. 196 9.15.		To	the	Office	of	the	Prosecutor	of	the	ICC	...............................................................................	 196 9.16.  To Corporate Entities and Financial Institutions ................................................................... 197 9.17.  To Civil Society Organisations ..................................................................................................... 198
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IEndorsing Organisations This report is published by Al-Haq and is endorsed by partner organisations from Palestinian  civil society. The endorsing organisations (the ‘Coalition’) are: Al-Haq, Addameer Prisoner  Support and Human Rights Association (Addameer), Al Mezan Centre for Human Rights (Al  Mezan), the Palestinian Centre for Human Rights (PCHR), the Civic Coalition for Palestinian  Rights in Jerusalem (CCPRJ), the Jerusalem Legal Aid and Human Rights Center (JLAC), Community  Action Center—Al-Quds University (CAC), and the Palestinian Initiative for the Promotion of  Global Dialogue and Democracy—MIFTAH. Al-Haq is an independent Palestinian non-governmental human rights organisation based in  Ramallah in the occupied West Bank. Established in 1979 to protect and promote human rights  and the rule of law in the occupied Palestinian territory, Al-Haq has documented violations  of Palestinians’ individual and collective rights for over 40 years. The organisation seeks to  end such violations through advocacy before national and international mechanisms and by  holding perpetrators accountable. Addameer (Arabic for conscience) is a Palestinian non-governmental, civil institution that works  to support Palestinian political prisoners held in Israeli and Palestinian prisons. Established in  1991 by a group of activists interested in human rights, the organisation offers free legal aid to  political prisoners, advocates their rights at the national and international levels, and works  to end torture and other violations of prisoners’ rights through monitoring, legal procedures,  and solidarity campaigns. Al Mezan is an independent, non-partisan, non-governmental human rights organisation  based in the Gaza Strip. Since its establishment in 1999, Al Mezan has been dedicated to  protecting and advancing the respect of human rights, especially economic, social, and cultural  rights, supporting victims of violations of international human rights law and international  humanitarian law, and enhancing democracy, community, and citizen participation, and  respect for the rule of law in the Gaza Strip as part of the occupied Palestinian territory. The Palestinian Centre for Human Rights is an independent Palestinian human rights  organisation based in Gaza City. PCHR was established in 1995 by a group of Palestinian  lawyers and human rights activists in order to protect human rights and promote the rule of  law; create and develop democratic institutions and an active civil society, while promoting  democratic culture within Palestinian society; and support all the efforts aimed at enabling the  Palestinian people to exercise their inalienable rights to self-determination and independence  in accordance with international law.
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IIIThe Civic Coalition for Palestinian Rights in Jerusalem was established in 2005 in order to  contribute to effective  mobilisation and cooperation of civil society vis-à-vis Israeli policies  that undermine Palestinian rights, identity, and presence in the occupied eastern part of  Jerusalem. CCPRJ’s members are Palestinian non-governmental organisations and community- based organisations working in the fields of culture, development, urban planning, and human  rights, including the rights of children, youth, women, and Palestinian political prisoners and  detainees. The Jerusalem Legal Aid and Human Rights Center was established in 1974 by the American  Friends Service Committee, formerly known as the Quaker Service Information and Legal Aid  Center. In 1995, a local Board of Directors was appointed as a preliminary step toward JLAC’s  independence, with JLAC officially becoming a Palestinian non-governmental and non-profit  organisation in 1997. JLAC provides pro-bono legal aid, awareness, and advocacy efforts in  tackling violations by the Israeli government and the Israeli occupying forces, as represented  by the Israeli Civil Administration, as well as by the Palestinian Authority. Community Action Center - Al-Quds University is a semi-autonomous association affiliated  with Al-Quds University, which aims to empower the Palestinian community in the eastern  part of Jerusalem. The CAC, located in the Old City of Jerusalem as well as in the Al-Abraj  Buildings in Abu Dis, is a Palestinian non-profit community rights-based organisation. The CAC  aims to empower the disadvantaged Palestinians of East Jerusalem to access their rights and  entitlements and negotiate the complex bureaucratic procedures that control the flow of these  rights. This mandate translates into empowering local residents to organize to solve collective  problems with particular attention to social and economic inequality, and to mobilize their  own volunteer capacity. The Palestinian Initiative for the Promotion of Global Dialogue and Democracy - MIFTAH  was established in 1998 as an independent Palestinian civil society institution committed  to fostering the principles of democracy and effective dialogue. MIFTAH’s main work during  its beginning was on political concerns especially opening dialogue on ‘final status’ issues,  disseminating the Palestinian narrative regionally and internationally, in addition to working  on the local and national levels to support building the Palestinian state.
IVTable of Abbreviations CAC Community Action Center—Al-Quds University CATConvention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading  Treatment or Punishment CCPRJ The Civic Coalition for Palestinian Rights in Jerusalem CEIRPPUnited Nations Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the  Palestinian People CERD United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination CESCR United Nations Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights DBIO Don’t Buy Into Occupation DCI-Palestine Defense for Children International—Palestine DIRCOZA Department of International Relations and Cooperation (South Africa) ESCWA United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia EU European Union FFM Fact-Finding Mission HSRC Human Sciences Research Council (South Africa) ICC International Criminal Court ICCPR International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights ICERDInternational Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial  Discrimination ICESCR International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights
VICJ International Court of Justice ICRC International Committee of the Red Cross ILC International Law Commission JA Jewish Agency (for the ‘Land of Israel’) JLAC Jerusalem Legal Aid and Human Rights Center JNF Jewish National Fund OCHA United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs OHCHR United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights PCBS Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics PCHR Palestinian Centre for Human Rights UAWC Union of Agricultural Work Committees UN United Nations UNCTAD United Nations Conference on Trade and Development UNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization UNRWAUnited Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near  East UNSCOP United Nations Special Committee on Palestine UPWC Union of Palestinian Women’s Committees WGAD United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detention WHO World Health Organization WZO World Zionist Organization
VI Acknowledgements The authors wish to extend our sincere gratitude  to the Al-Haq team and partner civil society  organisations who helped develop this report.  For reviewing and sharing insightful comments  and feedback, we thank in particular Dr Susan  Power and Milena Ansari. Thanks also go to Shahd  Qaddoura, Hind Shath, Kifah Zuhour, and Manaf  Abbas for assisting with the launch of the report  and developing related audio-visual materials. We  thank Hamza Dado for the design and Shawan  Jabarin, General Director of Al-Haq, for supporting  the research and publication process. Any errors  are those of the authors alone.
VII Dedication We dedicate this report to the Palestinian people  across Palestine and in exile struggling for liberation  in the face of Israel’s settler colonial apartheid  regime, including activists, organisers, human  rights defenders, and practitioners who continue  to expose, challenge, and resist Zionist settler  colonialism and Israeli apartheid in the pursuit of  justice, dignity, and liberation.
ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQVIII © Al-Haq Images Library
Overview AL-HAQ1 1 Overview Much has been written about apartheid and settler colonialism in Palestine  in recent years, building on decades of scholarship, activism, and advocacy  for Palestinian liberation. For over a century, Palestinians have opposed the  ongoing Zionist settler colonial project in Palestine. Since 1948, Palestinians  have endured an ongoing Nakba (catastrophe) of forced displacement,  refugeehood, and exile; the denial of their right to return to Palestine;  and an ongoing process of domination, foreign occupation, annexation,  population transfer, and settler colonisation. Throughout historic Palestine,  Palestinians have been systematically fragmented, dispossessed of their  land and property, and discriminated against in nearly every area of life.  Palestinians have been arbitrarily deprived of their life, liberty, human  dignity, freedom of movement and residence; their right to family life and  family unification; their human rights to adequate housing, health, and  their collective right to freely dispose of their natural wealth and resources,  denied their means of subsistence and the right to determine their political  status and freely pursue their economic, social, and cultural development © Anne Paq/Activestills
ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ2as integral components of their inalienable right to self-determination.1 Palestinian scholars have long understood that Zionist settler colonialism,  premised on the removal and replacement of the indigenous Palestinian  people from the land, is an inherently racial project, which Palestinian  scholar and diplomat Fayez Sayegh described, as early as 1965, as akin  to apartheid.2 Such critiques of Israeli apartheid, notably by Palestinian  scholars, have since been rooted in a rejection of Zionism as a form  of racism and racial discrimination and as a tool of settler colonial  domination.3 Building on these critical contributions, the last two decades  have seen tireless activism, organising, and campaigning by Palestinians  and allies around the world to challenge Israel’s regime of occupation,  colonialism, and apartheid. This ongoing mobilisation, at the grassroots  level and in human rights advocacy, have led to mounting recognition by  states, civil society, United Nations (UN) bodies and experts, scholars, and  practitioners, that Israel has established an apartheid regime over the  Palestinian people. Throughout two decades of advocacy in the national  and international spheres, Palestinian human rights organisations have  also conducted extensive legal research to determine the applicability  under international law of the frameworks of apartheid and colonialism  to the situation in Palestine.4 1  Articles 1(1), 6(1), 9(1), 12(1), 17(1), and 23(1), International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights  (adopted 16 December 1966, entry into force 23 March 1976) 999 UNTS 171 (hereinafter ‘ICCPR’);  Articles 1(1), 11(1), and 12(1), International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights  (adopted 16 December 1966, entry into force 3 January 1976) 993 UNTS 3 (hereinafter ‘ICESCR’). 2  Fayez Sayegh, Zionist Colonialism in Palestine (PLO Research Centre, 1965) 22 and 27 
. 3  Noura Erakat, ‘Beyond Discrimination: Apartheid is a Colonial Project and Zionism is a Form of Racism’  (EJIL: Talk!, 5 July 2021)  . See also  UN General Assembly, Resolution 3379 (XXX),  UN Doc A/RES/3379 (XXX), 10 November 1975. 4  WCAR, NGO Forum Declaration (3 September 2001) ; Virginia Tilley (ed), Occupation, colonialism, apartheid?: A re-assessment of Israel’s practices in  the occupied Palestinian territories under international law (Human Sciences Research Council, 2009)  22 (hereinafter ‘HSRC Study 2009’) . See also   Al-Haq, South African study finds that Israel is practicing colonialism and apartheid in the Occupied  Palestinian Territory (4 June 2009) . Overview AL-HAQ3In this report, we analyse Israeli apartheid as a tool of Zionist settler  colonialism. We do so in order to bring forward the eliminatory and  population transfer logic of Israel’s apartheid system and its effort to displace  and replace the indigenous Palestinian people on the land of Palestine.5  Palestinians have advocated for applying established decolonisation praxis  in countering Israeli apartheid, recognising apartheid as a form of settler  colonialism rather than pursuing a notion of ‘liberal equality’ without  decolonisation.6 This view was endorsed in the first report of the UN Special  Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories  occupied since 1967, Francesca Albanese, who considered that a ‘holistic  examination of the experience of the Palestinian people as a whole’ through  the apartheid framework requires recognition of the illegality of the Israeli  occupation and its settler colonial root causes.7 A decolonisation approach  is central to the present report, which situates apartheid within the broader  context of Zionist settler colonialism. While we are encouraged by the growing global recognition of Israeli  apartheid, we note that Zionist settler colonialism and its eliminatory and  population transfer logic remain missing from recent analyses and reports  on apartheid by Israeli and international human rights organisations such  5  Patrick Wolfe, ‘Settler colonialism and the elimination of the native’ (2006) 8(4) Journal of Genocide  Research 387; see also Patrick Wolfe,  Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology:   The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event (Cassell, 1999) 1. 6  Lana Tatour, ‘Why calling Israel an apartheid state is not enough’ (Middle East Eye, 18 January  2021) ;  Soheir Asaad and Rania Muhareb, ‘Dismantle What? Amnesty’s Conflicted Messaging on Israeli  Apartheid’ (Institute for Palestine Studies , 15 February 2022) ; see also Rania Muhareb and Pearce Clancy, ‘Palestine and the Meaning of  Domination in Settler Colonialism and Apartheid’ (2021) 6(6) República y Derecho . 7  UN General Assembly, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the  Palestinian territories occupied since 1967, Francesca Albanese, 21 September 2022, UN Doc  A/77/356, paras 9-10, see also para 74. ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ4as Yesh Din,8 B’Tselem,9 Human Rights Watch,10 and Amnesty International.11  It is this gap that the present report seeks to fill. In May 2021, the Unity Intifada (uprising) sparked renewed hope for a  future free from all forms of oppression and domination in Palestine: a new  chapter written by the Palestinian people themselves, ‘reuniting Palestinian  society in all of its different parts; reuniting our political will, and our means  of struggle to confront Zionism throughout Palestine.’12 The Unity Intifada   showed that despite decades of forced exile and fragmentation by the  Israeli regime, the Palestinian people remain united in our struggle for  liberation ‘in the face of racist settler colonialism in all of Palestine.’13 It  is the ongoing Nakba of the Palestinian people that motivates this report  and forms the basis of our understanding of Zionist settler colonialism  and Israeli apartheid as structures of Palestinian dispersal, dispossession,  discrimination, and domination. We remain convinced that without the  complete and radical dismantling of Israeli apartheid and of Zionist settler  colonialism, dignity, justice, liberation, and self-determination have no  future in Palestine, or elsewhere on Earth. 8  Michael Sfard, The Israeli Occupation of the West Bank and the Crime of Apartheid: Legal Opinion   (Yesh Din , July 2020) 26  . 9  B’Tselem, A regime of Jewish supremacy from the Jordan River to the Mediterranean Sea: This is  apartheid (12 January 2021) . 10  Human Rights Watch, A Threshold Crossed: Israeli Authorities and the Crimes of Apartheid and  Persecution (27 April 2021) . 11  Amnesty International, Israel’s apartheid against Palestinians: Cruel system of domination and crime  against humanity  (1 February 2022)  . 12  Open Letter, ‘The Manifesto of Dignity and Hope’ (Mondoweiss, 18 May 2021)  . 13  Ibid . Overview AL-HAQ51.1   An Ongoing Advocacy Campaign For over two decades, Palestinian activists, organisers, and civil society have  recognised and mobilised against Israel’s settler colonial apartheid regime.  Since its founding in 1998, Palestinian human rights organisation BADIL has  widely published and produced work on Israeli apartheid within the context  of Zionist colonisation,  also conducting extensive advocacy within the UN  human rights system.14 In 2001, Palestinian organisations joined global civil  society at the World Conference against Racism in Durban, where ‘Israel’s  brand of apartheid and other racist crimes against humanity’ were recognised  in the NGO Forum Declaration.15 In 2002, the Palestinian grassroots Stop the  Wall campaign began to challenge Israeli apartheid and the construction of  the Wall in the occupied Palestinian territory.16 Critically, in 2005, a broad  coalition of Palestinian civil society organisations issued the call for boycotts,  divestment, and sanctions against Israel for its regime of settler colonialism,  apartheid, and occupation against the Palestinian people.17 Building on this longstanding work, the present report, in particular, follows  nearly four years of active research and advocacy by a coalition of Palestinian  and regional human rights organisations. This report is published by Al-Haq  and endorsed by partner organisations from Palestinian civil society. The  endorsing organisations (the ‘Coalition’) are: Al-Haq, Addameer Prisoner  Support and Human Rights Association (Addameer), Al Mezan Centre for  Human Rights (Al Mezan), the Palestinian Centre for Human Rights (PCHR),  the Civic Coalition for Palestinian Rights in Jerusalem (CCPRJ), the Jerusalem  Legal Aid and Human Rights Center (JLAC), Community Action Center—Al- Quds University (CAC), and the Palestinian Initiative for the Promotion of  Global Dialogue and Democracy—MIFTAH. This group of Palestinian civil  14 See  various issues of BADIL’s magazine, al-Majdal, including, notably Issue No 15, Autumn 2002,  titled ‘Racism, Refugees and Apartheid,’ Issue No 33, Spring 2007, titled ‘Occupation, Colonization,  Apartheid... Defining the Conflict,’ Issue No 38, Summer 2008, titled ‘BDS and the Global Anti- Apartheid Movement,’ Issue No 47, Autumn 2011, titled ‘Israel and the Crime of Apartheid: Towards  a Comprehensive Analysis,’ Issue No 48, Winter 2012, titled ‘Israel and the Crime of Apartheid: The  Vision of the Anti-Apartheid Struggle;’ for more see . 15 WCAR, NGO Forum Declaration (3 September 2001) 98 . 16  Stop the Wall, About us  . 17  BDS Movement, Palestinian Civil Society Call for BDS . ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ6society organisations will be referred to as ‘the Coalition’ in this report. Over  the past few years, many more organisations from Palestine and around the  world have joined the global campaign against Israeli apartheid and various  efforts by the Coalition to seek international recognition of this reality.18 Cumulative efforts of Palestinian human rights organisations and civil  society have contributed to a mounting international law recognition of the  applicability of the apartheid analysis to the experience of the Palestinian  people as a whole. This has included advocacy before UN human rights  treaty bodies and with various other mechanisms, such as the Russell  Tribunal on Palestine, which concluded in 2011 that ‘Israel’s rule over the  Palestinian people, wherever they reside, collectively amounts to a single  integrated regime of apartheid.’19 Previously, in 2009, a landmark study  published by the Human Sciences Research Council (HSRC) of South Africa,  with the contribution of Palestinian human rights organisations Al-Haq and  Adalah, concluded that the international law frameworks of occupation,  colonialism, and apartheid concurrently apply to Palestinians in the  occupied Palestinian territory.20 At the UN, Al-Haq, BADIL, and other Palestinian and regional human  rights organisations, engaged critically with the reviews of Israel by the  UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD) in 2007,  18  See, for example, Al-Haq, Global Response to Israeli apartheid: A call to the UNGA from Palestinian  and international Civil Society Organizations (22 September 2020) ; see also , Al-Haq, Palestinian Civil Society Calls on the UNGA to Take  Immediate and Effective Action to End Israel’s Apartheid Against Palestinians (21 September 2022)  . 19  Russell Tribunal on Palestine, Executive summary of the findings of the third session of the RToP  (7 November 2011) . 20  HSRC Study 2009, 277-278; see also  Al-Haq, South African study finds that Israel is practicing  colonialism and apartheid in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (4 June 2009) . Overview AL-HAQ72012, and 2019.21 In its Concluding Observations following these reviews,22  CERD found that Israeli policies and practices are inconsistent with Article  3 of the 1965 International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of  Racial Discrimination (ICERD),23 of which Israel has been a state party since  1979,24 and which stipulates that: States Parties particularly condemn racial segregation and  apartheid and undertake to prevent, prohibit and eradicate all  practices of this nature in territories under their jurisdiction.25 The Coalition’s current campaign and research for this report began  in 2019,26 in the lead up to the review of Israel by CERD in December  2019. In November of that year, the Coalition and partners presented a   comprehensive joint parallel report to CERD, detailing Israel’s breach of  its obligation to prohibit and eradicate apartheid within its jurisdiction  and territory of effective control, as required by Article 3 of ICERD. The  submission detailed Israel’s establishment of an institutionalised regime of  systematic racial oppression and domination over the Palestinian people as  21  See BADIL Staff, ‘The UN Anti-Racism Committee Questions Israel’s Policy of Apartheid in Israel and  the OPT and Calls for Equality in the implementation of the Right of Return’ (2007) al-Majdal 33,  48-52 ; Noura Erakat and Rania  Madi, ‘UN Committee Concludes Israeli System Tantamount to Apartheid in 2012 Session’ (2012)  al-Majdal 49, 9-10, ; Al-Haq et al ,  Joint Parallel Report to the United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination on  Israel’s Seventeenth to Nineteenth Periodic Reports (10 November 2019)  (hereinafter ‘CERD Report’). 22  UN CERD, Concluding observations of the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination:  Israel, CERD/C/ISR/CO/13, 14 June 2007, paras 22-23, 33-35; UN CERD, Concluding observations of  the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination: Israel CERD/C/ISR/CO/14–16, 3 April 2012,  paras 10 (recalling CERD/C/ISR/CO/13), 11, 15, 24-27; UN CERD, Concluding observations on the  combined seventeenth to nineteenth reports of Israel, 12 December 2019, UN Doc CERD/C/ISR/ CO/17-19, paras 21-24 and 44. 23  International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (adopted 7 March  1966, entry into force 4 January 1969) 660 UNTS 195 (hereinafter ‘ICERD’). 24  UNTC, ‘International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination’ . 25  Article 3, ICERD. 26  Al-Haq, Al-Haq and Partners Send Joint Submission to the UN Committee on the Elimination  of Racial Discrimination Ahead of Israel’s Review (6 September 2019) . ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ8a whole , constituting the crime of apartheid.27 The joint parallel report and  the Coalition’s subsequent engagement with CERD Committee members  in December 2019, together with partners from Palestinian civil society,  including Adalah,28 led to further recognition by the Committee that Israeli  policies and practices, on either side of the Green Line,29 are inconsistent  with the prohibition of racial segregation and apartheid under the  Convention. Accordingly, CERD called on Israel to: Eradicate all forms of segregation between Jewish and non-Jewish  communities and any such policies or practices which severely  and disproportionately affect the Palestinian population in Israel  proper and in the Occupied Palestinian Territory.30 Drawing on the Coalition’s submission to CERD, the present report  significantly expands on the analysis presented in 2019 and builds on  Palestinian civil society organisations’ decades-long advocacy on the root  causes of Palestinian oppression. For over three years, the Coalition’s joint  advocacy efforts, particularly in the UN system, have allowed for important  discussions on Israeli apartheid to take place with key actors, including civil  society, states, policymakers, and practitioners, enabling a shift in the to  date largely fragmented approach adopted with respect of the Palestinian  people. The Coalition’s ongoing campaign has opened up a broader  discussion on the need to address the root causes of Israel’s widespread  and systematic human rights violations, including the crime of apartheid  against the Palestinian people. As a result, the UN Human Rights Council witnessed increasing discussions  on Israeli apartheid between 2020 and 2022, including the recognition  of Israeli apartheid by a growing number of states, such as South Africa  27  CERD Report. 28 See , notably, Adalah, For first time, UN body criticizes Israel’s policies of racial segregation against  Palestinians in Israel and OPT – as a single entity (19 December 2019) . 29 References to ‘inside the Green Line’ or ‘within the Green Line’ are used throughout this report to  identify the remaining territory of historic Palestine, outside that of the occupied Palestinian territory. 30  UN CERD, Concluding observations on the combined seventeenth to nineteenth reports of Israel, 12  December 2019, UN Doc CERD/C/ISR/CO/17-19, para 23. Overview AL-HAQ9and Namibia, and civil society organisations.31 Our Coalition welcomes  such recognition and wishes to pay tribute to the peoples of South Africa  and Namibia in their struggle against apartheid. We recognise the deep  meaning of anti-apartheid for the peoples of South Africa and Namibia in  their struggle for liberation and independence. On 27 May 2021, as campaigned for by the Coalition, the Human Rights  Council established its first ever ongoing UN Commission of Inquiry  to investigate the underlying root causes of systematic discrimination  not only in the occupied Palestinian territory but also inside the Green  Line, as well as with respect of Palestinian refugees and exiles abroad.32  The Commission of Inquiry’s first report, published in June 2022, drew  attention to the State of Palestine’s ratification of the 1973 International  Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid  (hereinafter ‘Apartheid Convention’)33 and referred to Israel’s ‘longstanding  discrimination’ against Palestinians as a root cause of recurring human  rights violations in this context.34 Ninety civil society organisations have  urged the ongoing Commission of Inquiry to address apartheid and settler  colonialism as root causes in Palestine.35 31  Al-Haq, United Nations: In response to Unprecedented Recognition of Israel’s Apartheid Regime,  States Must Take Concrete Steps to End this “unjust reality” (18 June 2022) . 32  UN OHCHR, Human Rights Council Establishes International Commission of Inquiry to Investigate  Violations in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, and in Israel (27 May  2021) ; Al-Haq, Palestinian Civil Society Organisations Call for a Special  Session on the Escalating Israeli Attacks against Palestinians on Both Sides of the Green Line (22 May  2021) . 33  International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid (adopted 30  November 1973, entry into force 18 July 1976) 1015 UNTS 243 (hereinafter ‘Apartheid Convention’). 34  UN Human Rights Council, Report of the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on  the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, and Israel, 9 May 2022, UN Doc A/ HRC/50/21, para 72; see also Rania Muhareb, ‘Addressing the ‘Full Context’: The First Report of the  Commission of Inquiry on Root Causes in Palestine’ (Irish Centre for Human Rights Blog , 14 June  2022)  . 35  Al-Haq, 90 Organisations Urge the UN Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Palestine  to Recognise and Address Zionist Settler Colonialism and Apartheid as the Root Causes of Israel’s  Ongoing Violations (28 June 2022) . ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ10In addition, following Palestinian-led advocacy efforts, the former UN  Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian  territory occupied since 1967, Michael Lynk, published a report in March  2022 detailing the Israeli authorities’ commission of the crime of apartheid  within the context of Israel’s settler colonial project.36 Lynk’s report  endorsed the findings of human rights organisations on apartheid and  echoed the Coalition’s call for the reconstitution of the UN’s anti-apartheid  mechanisms at the General Assembly level.37 His successor, Francesca  Albanese, has since drawn on the apartheid framework as part of Israel’s  settler colonialism ‘driven by the logic of elimination’ of Palestinians, in  violation of the Palestinian people’s right to self-determination.38 These  contributions followed two previous recognitions of Israeli apartheid by the  former UN Special Rapporteurs on Palestine, Richard Falk and John Dugard.39 In light of ongoing advocacy efforts and in support of growing mobilisation  against Israeli apartheid, this report and the campaign by the Coalition seek  to contribute to a better understanding of Israel’s apartheid regime as a  tool of Zionist settler colonialism. This report highlights the responsibilities  and obligations arising from the commission of the crime of apartheid by  Israeli authorities and offers recommendations for dismantling this system  of institutionalised oppression and domination over the Palestinian people. 36  UN Human Rights Council, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of Human Rights in the  Palestinian territories occupied since 1967, Michael Lynk, 21 March 2022, UN Doc A/HRC/49/87,  paras 42 and 59. 37 Ibid. , para 62. 38  UN General Assembly, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the  Palestinian territories occupied since 1967, Francesca Albanese, 21 September 2022, UN Doc  A/77/356, paras 10, 13, 40, 42, 66, 70, 73. 39  See, UN Human Rights Council, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in  the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967, Richard Falk, 13 January 2014, UN Doc A/HRC/25/67,  paras 51-77; UN Human Rights Council, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human  rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967, John Dugard, 29 January 2007, UN Doc A/ HRC/4/17, p 3. Overview AL-HAQ111.2   Zionism and the Roots of Israeli Apartheid An understanding of Zionist settler colonialism is necessary for a  comprehensive articulation of Israel’s apartheid regime and its root causes.  The ideology that forms the basis of Israeli apartheid was expounded and  institutionalised before the ‘proclamation’ of the State of Israel in 1948. Its  roots lie in the preceding decades of Zionist settler colonisation of Palestine  from the 19th century onward. Zionism emerged within the context of European imperial expansion in the  19th century and was modelled on racial conceptions of human sciences  and the nation-state. In its quest for territorial conquest, Zionism was  founded as a settler colonial movement whose ideological commitments  were inherently racial.40 Despite the ethnic diversity of Judaism’s adherents  through the millennia, the dual factors of European Christian persecution of  Jews41 and the rise of racial theories in the 19th century42 sought to attribute  adherence to Judaism with a single, distinct racial group. In this historical  context, the late 19th century Zionist movement embraced this view of  persons of Jewish faith as a distinct ‘race,’ enshrining it in the charters of  Zionist institutions, including those of the World Zionist Organization (WZO)  in 1897, the Jewish National Fund (JNF) in 1901, and the Jewish Agency (JA)  established in 1921. These institutions apply this racialised distinction as a  matter of unique Jewish privilege and supremacy over all others, exercised  through the exclusive entitlement to ‘Jewish nationality,’ which is superior  to mere citizens in Israeli law and policy. In 1947–1948, the start of the Nakba launched by Zionist militias became  instrumental in the consolidation of Zionist settler colonial domination over  the Palestinian people and since 1967 of the territory of historic Palestine in  its entirety. In the immediate aftermath of the mass expulsion of indigenous  40  Sayegh, Zionist Colonialism in Palestine; Abdul-Wahab Kayyali, ‘Zionism and Imperialism: The  Historical Origins’ (1977) 6(3) Journal of Palestine Studies 98; Fayez Sayegh, ‘Zionism: A Form of  Racism and Racial Discrimination’ in Abdul Wahhab Al Kayyali (ed), Zionism, Imperialism and Racism  (Croom Helm Ltd, 1979) 51. 41  Abel Mordechai Bibliowicz, Jews and Gentiles in the Early Jesus Movement: An Unintended Journey  (Palgrave Macmillan, 2013) 180-82; Pamela Eisenbaum, ‘Was Paul the Father of Mysogyny and  Antisemitism?’ (2000) 50(4) CrossCurrents 506-24. 42  Talal Asad, (ed), Anthropology & the Colonial Encounter  (Humanities Press, 1973). ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ12Palestinians from and within historic Palestine, the foundations of Israeli  apartheid, already enshrined in Zionist institutions, were operationalised  through laws, policies, and practices, most notably those aimed at denying  Palestinian refugees and displaced persons their right of return to their  homes, lands, and properties, thereby entrenching their dispossession,  fragmentation, and domination. Seventy-four years on, continued  expulsions and dispossession of Palestinians from the Galilee in the north,43  to Sheikh Jarrah in Jerusalem, the southern Naqab region, and every other  part of historic Palestine mean that the Nakba is far from over. The ongoing  Nakba is a continuous process of deprivation and exemplifies Zionism’s  settler colonial logic of elimination and transfer of indigenous Palestinians  from their land.44 43  Khalil Nakhleh, ‘The Two Galilees’ (Association of Arab-American University Graduates, Occasional  Paper No. 7, 1982). 44  Patrick Wolfe, ‘Settler Colonialism and the Elimination of the Native’ (2006) 8(4) Journal of Genocide  Research 387. Overview AL-HAQ131.3   Establishing Israeli Apartheid In 1948, the Zionist leadership erected a regime in the newly established  State of Israel to ‘legalise’ and, thereby, legitimise the crimes committed by  Zionist militias against the Palestinian people before, during, and since the  Nakba. These laws, policies, and related measures laid the foundations of  Israel’s apartheid regime, particularly in the domains of land and property  rights, nationality, citizenship, and residency, and nearly every other aspect  of Palestinian life. This was done by instituting a legal and institutional  framework to ‘obscure the issue of dispossession and refugees,’45 while also  establishing legal and structural inequalities between Zionist settlers and  indigenous Palestinians. Israeli laws, institutions, and policies dealing with nationality and land  governance distinguish between the rights accorded to ‘Jewish’ and ‘non- Jewish’ persons, reflecting the Zionist movement’s racialist character.  Within this logic, preferential treatment is granted to Jewish persons based  on a constructed ‘Jewish nationality’ status, also referred to as ‘Jewish  race or descent’ in Zionist doctrine and policy.46 The resulting strategy has  combined adopting laws to provide legal cover to the dispossession of  indigenous Palestinians, while facilitating further annexationist land grabs  to create a comprehensive system to appropriate Palestinian land and force  Palestinian expulsion therefrom. This brand of Israeli apartheid enables and  sustains the continued displacement, dispossession, discrimination, and  domination of Palestinians. A key policy in the establishment of Israeli apartheid is what Richard Falk  and Virginia Tilley identified in their cornerstone 2017 report for the UN  Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia (ESCWA), as the ‘strategic  fragmentation’ of the Palestinian people. By fragmenting Palestinians  legally, politically, and geographically, on either side of the Green Line and  45  BADIL, Land Confiscation and Denial of Use—Working Paper No 21  (19 October 2017) 9. 46  Joseph Schechla, ‘The Consequences of Conflating Religion, Race, Nationality and Citizenship’ (2010)  43 al-Majdal 10, 11. ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ14in exile,47 Israel uses strategic fragmentation as a primary method to impose  apartheid and deny the Palestinian people the exercise of their inalienable  rights.48 Through fragmentation, as outlined in the Coalition’s report to  CERD in 2019, Israel ensures that: Palestinians from different geographical areas of their native  country are unable to meet, group, live together, share in the  practice of their culture, and exercise any collective rights,  including to self-determination and permanent sovereignty over  their natural wealth and resources.49 Israel has administratively divided the Palestinian people into at least four  legal ‘domains,’ comprising Palestinians with Israeli citizenship governed by  Israeli civil law, Palestinians with permanent residency status in the eastern  part of Jerusalem, Palestinians in the occupied West Bank and Gaza Strip  subjected to Israeli military laws and orders, and Palestinian refugees and  involuntary exiles living outside of historic Palestine, whose right of return  to their homes, lands, and properties the Israeli regime has systematically  denied and obstructed since 1948.50 47  Richard Falk and Virginia Tilley, Israeli Practices towards the Palestinian People and the Question  of Apartheid, Palestine and the Israeli Occupation  (ESCWA 2017) 1 UN Doc E/ESCWA/ECRI/2017/1  (hereinafter ‘ESCWA Report’) 37. 48  ESCWA Report, 37. 49  CERD Report, para 65. 50  ESCWA Report, 37-38. Overview AL-HAQ151.4   Maintaining Israeli Apartheid The Israeli apartheid regime is sustained through institutionalised impunity  and by weakening the capacity of the indigenous Palestinian people and  institutions to challenge the myriad human rights violations and international  crimes maintaining this regime. Through this manoeuvre, the Israeli regime  employs policies of visible segregation and material discrimination against  Palestinians in the exercise of their individual and collective rights. These  underlying policies seek to dominate and oppress the Palestinian people.  Spatial separation, isolation, suppression, and concentration of Palestinian  communities, on either side of the Green Line, sustain the pattern of illegal  population transfer and demographic manipulation inherent to the Zionist  settler colonial project. The Israeli regime’s tactics to maintain apartheid over Palestinians include  the policy of strategic fragmentation of the Palestinian people and the  commission of a broad range of inhuman(e) acts of apartheid, within  the meaning of the Apartheid Convention and the Rome Statute of the  International Criminal Court (hereinafter ‘Rome Statute’).51 Key among  these, and integral to both Zionist settler colonialism and its implementation  as Israeli apartheid, are the commission of the serious crime of population  transfer, involving: the systematic denial of the right of return of Palestinian  refugees and exiles; demographic manipulation; and illegal colonial  settlement construction and expansion. Within this context, the Israeli  regime commits a series of inhuman(e) acts of apartheid against the  Palestinian people, including, among others, arbitrary deprivation of life;52  arbitrary detention;53 torture and other ill-treatment;54 denial of freedom  of peaceful assembly;55 restrictions on the right to freedom of movement  and residency,56 particularly severe in the case of the 15-year illegal closure  51  Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (adopted 17 July 1998, entry into force, 1 July 2002)  2187 UNTS 3 (hereinafter ‘Rome Statute’). 52  Article II(a)(i), Apartheid Convention; Article 7(1)(a) and 7(1)(b), Rome Statute. 53  Article II(a)(iii), Apartheid Convention; Article 7(1)(e), Rome Statute. 54  Article II(a)(ii), Apartheid Convention; Article 7(1)(f), Rome Statute. 55  Article II(c), Apartheid Convention. 56  Article II(c), Apartheid Convention. ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ16and blockade of the Gaza Strip; denial of the right to the highest attainable  standard of health;57 the denial of the right to family life;58 expropriation of  landed property;59 and various forms of collective punishment.60 Consistent with Article II(f) of the Apartheid Convention, the Israeli  regime also persecutes individuals and organisations by depriving them  of fundamental rights and freedoms because they oppose apartheid.  This includes the arbitrary designation, in October 2021, of six leading  Palestinian human rights and civil society organisations, including members  of the Coalition, as ‘unlawful’ and so-called ‘terror organisations’ in order  to undermine their work.61 Such tactics of threatening, persecuting, and  criminalising Palestinian civil society have a long history both within the  Green Line62 and in the occupied Palestinian territory.63 These are intended  to silence and intimidate anyone who seeks to challenge the Israeli settler  colonial apartheid regime. The institutionalised oppression of the Palestinian people, through the  commission of inhuman(e) acts, entrenches and sustains the Zionist settler  57  Article II(a)(ii), Apartheid Convention; Article 7(1)(k), Rome Statute. 58  Articles II(c) and II(d), Apartheid Convention; Article 7(1)(k), Rome Statute. 59  Article II(d), Apartheid Convention. 60  Article II(c), Apartheid Convention; Article 7(1)(k), Rome Statute. 61  See discussion in Rania Muhareb, Elizabeth Rghebi, Susan Power, and Pearce Clancy, Persecution  of Palestinian Civil Society: Epistemic Violence, Silencing, and the Apartheid Framework  (Institute  for Palestine Studies, Current Issues in Depth Series, 2022) . 62  Shany Payes, ‘Palestinian NGOs in Israel: A Campaign for Civic Equality in a Non-Civic State’ (2003)  8(1) Israel Studies 60-90; Shany Payes, Palestinian NGOs in Israel: The Politics of Civil Society (I.B.  Taurus, 2005), ; Arik Rudnitzky, Arab Citizens of Israel Early in the Twenty-First Century (Institute for  National Security Studies, 2015). 63  UN Committee on the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People, Outraged over Israel’s Designation  of Six Civil Society Groups as Terrorists, Speakers Tell Palestinian Rights Committee Harassment  against Human Rights Defenders Must End (7 December 2021) ; Al-Marsad, Arab Human Rights Centre in Golan Heights, Al-Haq, Palestinian  Human Rights Organizations Council, ESCR-Net, International Network for Economic, Social and  Cultural Rights, Cornell Law School International Human Rights Clinic and Boston University Law  School International Human Rights Clinic, Report on the Repression of Human Rights Defenders in  Israel the Occupied Territories of Palestine and the Golan  (January 2022) .  Overview AL-HAQ17colonisation of Palestine’s natural and human resources. Key to this settler  colonial enterprise are Zionist parastatal institutions, which have imposed  both the ‘race-based’ notions of Jewish distinction and supremacy, as well  as the correspondingly exclusive control of Palestine’s natural resources.64  Prior to 1948, the JNF assumed the task of acquiring and administering  land resources essential to the formation of a Zionist state. Other similarly  chartered institutions were established to capture and administer the  other resources of the country. Among these was the Histadrut (General  Federation of Hebrew Labor), founded in 1920. It was Histadrut that founded  Haganah, the Zionist terrorist group, also in 1920, that later became the  Israeli armed forces.65 David Ben-Gurion, Histadrut’s first Secretary-General,  became chairman of the JA in 1935 and the first Israeli Prime Minister in  1948. Speaking of her role on the Histadrut Executive Committee, eventual  Israeli Prime Minister Golda Meir recalled that ‘this big labour union wasn’t  just a trade union organization. It was a great colonizing agency.’66 Although  Histadrut is less omnipresent today, it was the second-largest employer in  Israel, owning 25 per cent of Israeli industry, before the serial privatisation  of its enterprises in the 1980s and 1990s.67 Histadrut operated as an arm  of Israeli and United States foreign policy from 1958 onward68 and actively  collaborated with the South African apartheid regime.69 64  ESCWA Report, 5; see also CERD Report, para 40-42. 65  Zeev Sternhell, Founding Myths of Zionism  (Princeton University Press, 1998) 180. 66  Quoted in Uri Davies, Utopia Incorporated (Zed Press, 1977) 142. 67  Sawt al-Amel, Separate and Unequal: The History of Arab Labour in pre-1948 Palestine and Israel  (December 2006) 16 . 68  Benjamin Beit Hallahmi, The Israeli Connection: Whom Israel Arms and Why (I.B. Tauris & Co. Ltd.,  1988) 39. 69  James Adams, Israel and South Africa: The Unnatural Alliance  (Quartet Books, 1984). ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ181.5  The Need for a Comprehensive Articulation of the  Apartheid Framework For far too long, the international discourse on Palestine has fragmented  the Palestinian people and obfuscated the root causes of the Israeli  regime’s prolonged, widespread, systematic human rights violations, and  extreme material discrimination. The long-prevailing ‘conflict’ paradigm has  entrenched the fragmentation of the Palestinian people and international  complicity in perpetuating Palestinian oppression. Describing the situation  reductively as a ‘conflict’ between two parties that needs to be resolved  by the parties is a misleading approach. Rather, the belligerent occupation  is taking place in the context of ongoing Zionist settler colonisation and  apartheid, of which it operates as a tool.70 Failure by third states to  recognise this key distinction disregards applicable peremptory norms of  general international law and the purposes and principles enshrined in the  Charter of the United Nations, including the cardinal prohibition of the use  of force.71 It further disregards third-party responsibility to refrain from  assisting in the maintenance of the unlawful situation and the positive duty  of states to cooperate to bring it to an end.72 The dispossession, fragmentation, discrimination, persecution, and  domination of the Palestinian people, which practitioners and civil society  are increasingly understanding as apartheid, is also not the result of  incremental Israeli measures and tactical responses to purported ‘security’  challenges,73 nor merely a consequence of the rightward shift in Israeli  politics. As this report chronicles, Israel’s institutionalised discrimination  against the indigenous Palestinian people is not accidental or new; it is not  70 Amnesty International, Israel’s apartheid against Palestinians: Cruel system of domination and  crime against humanity  105-108 (1 February 2022)  . 71 Article 2(4), Charter of the United Nations (adopted 26 June 1945, entry into force 24 October 1945). 72 Article 41(1), International Law Commission, Draft Articles on Responsibility of States for  Internationally Wrongful Acts (November 2001, Supplement No 10, UN Doc A/56/10) (hereinafter  ‘Draft Articles on State Responsibility’). 73 These have been rejected by the latest UN Commission of Inquiry on Palestine; see UN General  Assembly, Report of the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Occupied  Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, and Israel, UN Doc A/77/328, 14 September 2022,  para 79. Overview AL-HAQ19a culmination or a by-product of the entrenchment of the Israeli occupation  since 1967; it is instead inherent in the ideology operationalised in the  founding institutions of the Zionist settler colonial project in Palestine. We  concur with Noura Erakat and others who have insisted that ‘Israel did not  become a discriminatory regime but is defined by such discrimination.’74 The apartheid framework allows us to shift the international discourse on  Palestine from one focused on a misleading ‘conflict’ or ‘slippery-slope’  paradigm to one centred on implementing the right of the Palestinian  people to self-determination. Applying the apartheid framework aims  at overcoming Israel’s foundationally-racist and settler colonial regime,  including the machinery perpetrating the ongoing Nakba, prolonged Israeli  occupation, and the blockade of the Gaza Strip. In this, we further concur  with the latest report of the UN Special Rapporteur on Palestine, Francesca  Albanese, that a paradigm shift is needed to realise the inalienable rights of  the Palestinian people.75 Building on the argument of Palestinian scholars such as Lana Tatour,  we consider that a ‘liberal’ approach to Israeli apartheid that does not  recognise settler colonialism, and thus the need for decolonisation, is wholly  insufficient.76 The approach recognising Israeli apartheid moves from a focus  on the symptoms of Israeli oppression to the root causes, including its roots  in long-discredited racial theory.77 The apartheid framework defragments  the Palestinian people and allows for connecting the Palestinian struggle  for decolonisation with global struggles of other indigenous peoples against  settler colonialism and associated forms of structural and institutionalised  racism and discrimination. 74  Erakat, ‘Beyond Discrimination’ (emphasis in the original). 75  UN General Assembly, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the  Palestinian territories occupied since 1967, Francesca Albanese, UN Doc A/77/356, 21 September  2022, para 70. 76  Lana Tatour, ‘Why calling Israel an apartheid state is not enough’ (Middle East Eye, 18 January 2021)  . 77  See Ernest Beaglehole, Juan Comas, Luiz de Aguilar Costa Pinto, Franklin Frazier, Morris Ginsberg,  Humayun Kabir, Claude Lévi Strauss and Ashley Montagu, The Race Question (UNESCO: 1950 and  revised versions in 1951 and 1967); UNESCO, Declaration on Race and Racial Prejudice (1978) and  Declaration of Principles on Tolerance (1995). ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ20Additionally, the apartheid framework exposes the inadequacy of the  manner in which international law norms and UN mechanisms have been  deployed in Palestine to date, in particular the failure to prevent, bring an  end to, redress, and remedy institutionalised human rights violations and  other breaches of international law committed against Palestinians. The  present report advocates for adopting an integrated, comprehensive legal  framework to end Israel’s settler colonial apartheid regime, encompassing  the protections of international human rights law, international humanitarian  law, and international criminal law, as a necessary first step to providing  legal protection to the entirety of the Palestinian people, regardless of their  geographical location or legal status. This comprehensive approach seeks  to overcome decades of Israel’s strategic fragmentation of the Palestinian  people and the UN’s institutional shortcomings by examining the experience  of the Palestinian people as a whole and challenging the racial domination  and oppression at the heart of Israel’s institutions, laws, policies, and  practices since the Zionist movement began and at its apartheid core. The comprehensive legal approach advocated for by this report seeks  to overcome the inadequacy of the previous predominant focus on  international humanitarian law in Palestine, often in isolation from other  legal frameworks. International humanitarian law has only been applied to  the situation in the territories occupied by Israel since 1967, comprising  the occupied Palestinian territory (Gaza Strip and West Bank, including the  eastern part of Jerusalem) and the occupied Syrian Golan. Thus, the same  discriminatory Israeli practices on both sides of the Green Line have been  addressed through different legal frameworks. This fragmentary approach  has averted focus away from the commonalities, in policy and practice,  of human rights violations across administratively constructed domains  of Israeli control. By remedying fragmentation, the apartheid framework  allows for a reconsideration of these violations within one overarching legal  framework. As Falk and Tilley astutely observed in their 2017 ESCWA report: The international community has unwittingly collaborated with  [Israeli fragmentation] by drawing a strict distinction between  Palestinian citizens of Israel and Palestinians in the occupied  Palestinian territory, and treating Palestinians outside the country  as “the refugee problem”. The Israeli apartheid regime is built on  Overview AL-HAQ21this geographic fragmentation, which has come to be accepted as  normative. The method of fragmentation serves also to obscure  this regime’s very existence.78 At the international level, the apartheid framework allows for an  interrogation of the fragmented treatment of the ‘Question of Palestine’  within the UN system. The UN system has played a role in fragmenting the  Palestinian people through the creation of various mechanisms sought to  consider segments of the Palestinian people rather than the root causes.  In 1949, the UN established the Relief and Works Agency for Palestine  Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA),79 which, for over seven decades, has  offered vital service—but no protection—for Palestine refugees who have  been forcibly expelled and exiled. UNRWA was not mandated to provide  international assistance to Palestinians similarly displaced and dispossessed  inside the Green Line at the hands of the Zionist movement. Moreover, the  effective end of the UN Conciliation Commission for Palestine (UNCCP) in  196480 left all Palestinians without protection. In 1967 and thereafter, the  UN political bodies focused on the territories occupied by Israel during the  war and the segments of the Palestinian people in the West Bank, including  the eastern part of Jerusalem, and the Gaza Strip. Eventually, the UN’s  legal bodies, in particular, the human rights treaty bodies began to review  Israel’s performance under international human rights treaties inside the  Green Line, while considering the treaties’ application in the occupied  Palestinian territory since 1967 as an addendum. From 1993 onward, the  UN Commission on Human Rights and, later, the Human Rights Council  mandated Special Rapporteurs to investigate, report, and advise on human  rights issues only in the occupied Palestinian territory since 1967.81 Only  the General Assembly’s Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights  of the Palestinian People (CEIRPP), established in 1975,82 is mandated to  78  ESCWA Report, 37. 79  UN General Assembly, Resolution 302, UN Doc A/RES/302 (IV), 8 December 1949, para 7. 80  Michael R. Fischbach, Records of Dispossession: Palestinian Refugee Property and the Arab-Israeli  Conflict  (Columbia University Press, 2003). 81  See, recently, Richard Falk, ‘New anti-colonial UN report gives Palestinians welcome boost in  legitimacy wars’ (Middle East Eye, 27 October 2022) . 82  UN General Assembly, Resolution 3376, UN Doc A/RES/3376 (XXX), 10 November 1975, para 3. ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ22address the human rights of the Palestinian people as a whole. Yet, it has  only nominally sought to do so. Instead, the CEIRPP has largely restricted its  reporting to political events and developments in the occupied Palestinian  territory since 1967.  In all their diversity, the Palestinian people have shared a unitary identity  and culture over centuries. The Palestinian people possess global  recognition as holders of the inalienable right to self-determination,  reaffirmed in countless UN General Assembly resolutions.83 Yet, the  institutional arrangement within the UN system has acquiesced to and  administratively solidified the Palestinian people’s spatial segregation  and fragmentation by the Israeli regime. While the UN bears permanent  responsibility for the Question of Palestine until its resolution ‘in all  its aspects in a satisfactory manner in accordance with international  legitimacy,’84 the world organisation has yet to begin repairing its own  disarticulated approach and structural flaws that have contributed to the  denial of Palestinian self-determination, the right of return, and bringing  an end to the unlawful situation created through Israel’s settler colonial  apartheid regime and its associated international crimes. As such, employing the apartheid framework helps bring into sharper  focus the illegality of the Israeli regime itself, not only of its constitutive  elements. Meanwhile, the predominant focus on international  humanitarian law to date has presented clear in-built limitations given that  the laws of armed conflict do not outlaw occupation in and of itself. Nor  does international humanitarian law, and the law of occupation, stipulate  measures through which the Israeli occupation can be ended, despite  offering important prohibitions of key features of the Israeli occupation,  such as the construction of Israeli settlements, exploitation of Palestinian  natural resources, destruction of civilian property in the absence of military  necessity, and collective punishment. 83  See Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories  occupied since 1967, Francesca Albanese, UN Doc A/77/356, 21 September 2022, para 25. 84  A/RES/57/1067, 3 December 2002 and reaffirmed annually through Committee on the Exercise of  the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People, A/RES/74/20, 8 December 2020. Overview AL-HAQ23Adopting the apartheid framework does not mean abandoning any  standing instruments and principles of international humanitarian law,  nor rejecting its applicability to Palestine, as Palestinians at official,  academic, and civil society levels have reaffirmed since 1967. The former  UN Special Rapporteur on Palestine, John Dugard, notably observed in his  2007 report to the Human Rights Council that ‘elements of the [Israeli]  occupation constitute forms of colonialism and of apartheid, which are  contrary to international law.’85 The subsequent 2009 study published  by the HSRC further confirmed that colonialism and apartheid apply to  the occupied Palestinian territory and that these do not displace the  occupation law framework.86 Since then, the international articulation  of the apartheid framework in Palestine has significantly developed to  address the experience of the Palestinian people as a whole. In 2011,  notably, the Russell Tribunal on Palestine confirmed the practice of  apartheid by Israel over Palestinians wherever they reside, calling also  on the UN General Assembly to re-establish the UN Special Committee  against Apartheid and the UN Centre against Apartheid in response.87 85  UN Human Rights Council, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the  Palestinian territories occupied since 1967, John Dugard, 29 January 2007, UN Doc A/HRC/4/17, 3. 86  HSRC Study, 277-278. 87  The Russell Tribunal on Palestine, Summary of Findings (7 November 2011) 5  . ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ241.6  Individual Criminal, State, and Corporate Responsibility  for Israeli Apartheid Apartheid is absolutely prohibited under international law. International  criminal law criminalises apartheid as a crime against humanity, giving rise  to individual criminal responsibility for perpetrators of this crime. According  to Article III of the Apartheid Convention: International criminal responsibility shall apply, irrespective of  the motive involved, to individuals, members of organizations and  institutions and representatives of the State, whether residing in  the territory of the State in which the acts are perpetrated or in  some other State, whenever they: (a) Commit, participate in, directly incite or conspire in the  commission of the acts mentioned in article II of the present  Convention; (b) Directly abet, encourage or co-operate in the commission of  the crime of apartheid. The Apartheid Convention provides in Article V that persons accused  of committing the crime of apartheid may be tried in the courts of  states parties to the Convention or before an international tribunal.  The International Criminal Court (ICC) has jurisdiction over the crime of  apartheid under Article 7(1)(j) of the Rome Statute. The Court has opened  an ongoing investigation88 into the Situation in Palestine, comprising the  West Bank, including the eastern part of Jerusalem, and the Gaza Strip.  The ICC’s Office of the Prosecutor has previously acknowledged receiving  allegations of apartheid in this context.89 The ongoing investigation by  the ICC therefore provides an important avenue for individual criminal  accountability, notwithstanding the limitations of Court’s personal,  88  ICC Office of the Prosecutor, Statement of ICC Prosecutor, Fatou Bensouda, respecting an  investigation of the Situation in Palestine (3 March 2021) . 89  ICC Office of the Prosecutor, Report on Preliminary Examination Activities (4 December 2017) para  63: ’in addition to allegations directly related to settlement activities, the Office has also received  information regarding the purported establishment of an institutionalised regime of systematic  discrimination that allegedly deprives Palestinians of a number of their fundamental human rights’  . Overview AL-HAQ25temporal, and geographical jurisdiction in Palestine.90 In addition to international criminal law, apartheid is prohibited as a form  of racial discrimination within general international law and international  human rights law.91 Under international humanitarian law, apartheid is  further prohibited as a grave breach.92 As a matter of customary international  law binding on all states, apartheid and racial discrimination constitute  a serious breach of jus cogens (peremptory) norms of international  law.93 The breach of the prohibition of apartheid therefore gives rise to  an internationally wrongful act, triggering the responsibility of the state  responsible, Israel. In addition, under the law of third state responsibility, all  states have a responsibility to ensure they do not contribute to the unlawful  situation created as a result of a serious breach of international law.94 They  must ensure that they do not recognise such a situation as lawful, do not  aid or assist in its maintenance, and cooperate to bring it to an end.95 The denial of the Palestinian people’s inalienable right to self-determination  invokes the Namibia Doctrine in international law, by which all states bear  the obligation of non-recognition and non-cooperation with the unlawful  90 See , for example, Pearce Clancy and Rania Muhareb, ‘Putting the International Criminal Court’s  Palestine Investigation into Context’ (Opinio Juris, 2 April 2021)  . 91 Articles 1(3) and 55, UN Charter; Article 3, ICERD. 92 Article 85(4)(c), Protocol additional to the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949, and relating to the  protection of victims of international armed conflicts (Protocol I) (adopted 8 June 1977, entry into  force 7 December 1978) 1125 UNTS 3 (hereinafter ‘Additional Protocol I’). 93  ILC, Draft Articles on State Responsibility, p 112. 94  Article 41(2), Draft Articles on State Responsibility. 95  Articles 41(1) and 41(2), Draft Articles on State Responsibility. ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ26situation,96 in particular, arising from the occupying state’s denial of the  subject people’s right to self-determination.97 By virtue of this, third states  have a responsibility to end Israel’s apartheid regime, including through  effective, coercive measures. These have been advocated for by a broad  coalition of Palestinian civil society organisations since at least 2005, who  have urged sanctions, divestments, and boycotts of Israel—inspired by the  anti-apartheid movement in South Africa and occupied Namibia.98 States  should take effective measures to bring the unlawful situation arising  from Israeli apartheid to an end, notably through economic and targeted  sanctions, implementation of a comprehensive and mandatory arms  embargo, and the downgrading of diplomatic relations. Moreover, states  should pursue accountability through the activation of universal jurisdiction  mechanisms to hold individual perpetrators to account, including on the  basis of the Apartheid Convention. 96 International Court of Justice, International Court of Justice, Legal Consequences for States of the  Continued Presence of South Africa in Namibia (South West Africa) Notwithstanding Security Council  Resolution 276 (1970), Advisory Opinion, ICJ Reports 1971, 21 June 1971, p 16, para 123: ‘Member  States, in compliance with the duty of non-recognition imposed by paragraphs 2 and 5 of [Security  Council] resolution 276 (1970), are under obligation to abstain from sending diplomatic or special  missions to South Africa including in their jurisdiction the Territory of Namibia, to abstain from  sending consular agents to Namibia, and to withdraw any such agents already there. They should  also make it clear to the South African authorities that the maintenance of diplomatic or consular  relations with South Africa does not imply any recognition of its authority with regard to Namibia’;  and para 133(2): ‘that States Members of the United Nations are under obligation to recognize the  illegality of South Africa’s presence in Namibia and the invalidity of its acts on behalf of or concerning  Namibia, and to refrain from any acts and in particular any dealings with the Government of South  Africa implying recognition of the legality of, or lending support or assistance to, such presence and  administration.’ 97  Ibid., para 52: ‘…the subsequent development of international law in regard to non-self- governing territories, as enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, made the principle of  self-determination applicable to all of them. The concept of the sacred trust was confirmed and  expanded to all “territories whose peoples have not yet attained a full measure of self-government”  (Art. 73). Thus, it clearly embraced territories under a colonial régime. Obviously, the sacred trust  continued to apply to League of Nations mandated territories on which an international status had  been conferred earlier. A further important stage in this development was the Declaration on the  Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples (General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV)  of 14 December 1960), which embraces all peoples and territories which “have not yet attained  independence.” Nor is it possible to leave out of account the political history of mandated territories  in general. All those which did not acquire independence, excluding Namibia, were placed under  trusteeship. Today, only two out of fifteen, excluding Namibia, remain under United Nations tutelage.  This is but a manifestation of the general development which has led to the birth of so many new  States.’ 98  BDS, What is BDS? . Overview AL-HAQ27Businesses and other corporate entities also have a responsibility to respect  international law and human rights, must avoid violating human rights, and  address ‘adverse human rights impacts’ associated with their operations.99  This responsibility has been broadly recognised with respect of corporate  entities operating in Palestine, particularly those involved with and complicit  in Israel’s illegal settlement enterprise in the occupied Palestinian territory.100  Recognition of Israeli apartheid must broaden the scope of discussion  around corporate responsibility and accountability for gross human rights  abuses and violations, namely the crime of apartheid and associated  inhuman(e) acts, across historic Palestine, including within the Green Line.  To this end, at a minimum, business enterprises must conduct ongoing  enhanced human rights due diligence and responsibly cease all activities  and relationships with and disengage from Israel’s apartheid and settler  colonial enterprise.101 Third states, namely home states of multinational  corporations with activities or relationships in Palestine, must also ensure  that corporate entities domiciled within their territory and/or jurisdiction  respect international law and human rights in Palestine, including by taking  the necessary effective measures relevant to states’ obligations under  international law—at domestic and regional levels—toward corporate and  other private actors.102 In this regard, the Apartheid Convention requires  that ‘States Parties… declare criminal those organizations, institutions and  99  UN OHCHR, Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights: Implementing the United Nations  “Protect, Respect and Remedy” Framework  (2011) Principle 11, p 13. 100  See, notably, Marya Farah, Business and Human Rights in Occupied Territory: Guidance for  Upholding Human Rights (Al-Haq and GLAN, 2020) ; see  also, UN Human Rights Council, Database of all business enterprises involved in the activities detailed  in paragraph 96 of the report of the independent international fact-finding mission to investigate the  implications of the Israeli settlements on the civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights of the  Palestinian people throughout the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, UN Doc  A/HRC/43/71, 28 February 2020, para 31. 101  See, for example, UN Working Group on the issue of human rights and transnational corporations  and other business enterprises, Statement on the implications of the Guiding Principles on Business  and Human Rights in the context of Israeli settlements in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, 6  June 2014, pp 9-11 . 102  Al-Haq, Al-Haq Submits Legal Position Paper to European Union on the Membership of Mr Haim  Bibas, Mayor of Modi’in-Maccabim-Re’ut, in the Euro-Mediterranean Regional and Local Assembly  (ARLEM) (2 March 2020) . ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ28individuals committing the crime of apartheid.’103 It is incumbent upon all  states to hold corporate entities, including Zionist institutions operating  abroad as so-called ‘charities,’104 to account for their role in contributing to  the commission of the crime of apartheid in Palestine. 103  Article I(2), Apartheid Convention. 104  See  Karen Pennington and Joseph Schechla, ‘Israel’s Para-state Institutions Operating in the United  States’ (2009) 41 al-Majdal 25; see also  Joseph Schechla, ‘The Consequences of Conflating Religion,  Race, Nationality and Citizenship’ (2010) 43 al-Majdal 10. Overview AL-HAQ291.7  Dismantling Israeli Apartheid Apartheid in South Africa and occupied Namibia was met with successive  condemnations by UN bodies, including the General Assembly and Security  Council,105 and the International Court of Justice (ICJ). South Africa’s  apartheid regime prompted the establishment of specialised anti-apartheid  mechanisms within the UN, the criminalisation of apartheid through the  adoption of the Apartheid Convention, and the adoption of sanctions and  arms embargoes against the South African apartheid regime.106 International  political will and effective measures played a central role in driving the  process toward the suppression of the crime of apartheid in South Africa  and occupied Namibia. Such effective, coercive measures are essential  to support Palestinian resistance to Israel’s settler colonial apartheid  regime and ensure the realisation of Palestinians’ inalienable rights to self- determination and return. Further recognition of the commission of the  crime of apartheid in Palestine, including by the ongoing UN Commission  of Inquiry,107 an ICC investigation into the crime of apartheid in Palestine,  the reconstitution of the UN’s anti-apartheid mechanisms, and further  measures recommended by this report would provide key institutional  support to the Palestinian liberation struggle in the face of Israel’s settler  colonial apartheid regime. It was only through such concerted international  action that the South African apartheid regime was formally brought to an  end. Israel’s apartheid regime over the Palestinian people requires a similar,  urgent and proactive response. 105  See, e.g., UN General Assembly, Resolution 2074 (XX), 17 December 1965, UN Doc A/RES/2074  (XX), para 4; UN Security Council, Resolution 392, 19 June 1976, UN Doc S/RES/392 (1976), para 3. 106  UN General Assembly, Resolution 1761 (XVII), 6 November 1962, UN Doc A/RES/1761, para 4; UN  Security Council, Resolution 418, 4 November 1977, UN Doc S/RES/418 (1977), para 2.  107  Middle East Monitor, ‘UN to investigate apartheid charges against Israel’ (Middle East Monitor,  28 October 2022)  . ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ © Al-Haq Images Library 30 Introduction AL-HAQ31 2 Introduction In recent years, there has been mounting recognition of Israeli apartheid  over the Palestinian people. A growing number of reports by civil society,  scholarship, and statements by former and current state officials and  policymakers have brought renewed focus to the discriminatory nature of the  Zionist settler colonial project. For over two decades,108 Palestinian activists,  civil society, and organisers have been at the forefront of international  advocacy for the recognition of Israel’s apartheid regime against the  Palestinian people. Central to this effort has been an understanding of  apartheid as applying alongside the frameworks of occupation and (settler)  colonialism, rather than in isolation from them,109 and as targeting the  108  See, for example, WCAR, NGO Forum Declaration (3 September 2001) paras 98-99 . 109  HSRC Study. © Activestills ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ32Palestinian people as a whole, within the context of the ongoing Nakba.110 Since 2019 in particular, this Palestinian-led Coalition of civil society  organisations has led a joint international advocacy campaign for the  recognition and adoption of effective measures against Israel’s apartheid  regime over the Palestinian people. This campaign, and the present  report, build on decades of critical scholarship, activism, and advocacy by  Palestinians and allies toward understanding the root causes of Palestinian  oppression. This report is also a continuation of decades of work by  Palestinian organisations to advance accountability and international  justice for the Palestinian people. While discussions on Israeli apartheid have become increasingly mainstream  over the last three or more years, some aspects of Palestinians’ decades- long mobilisation against Israeli apartheid remain absent or insufficiently  addressed in the current discourse. For some, apartheid has materialised  only recently due to what are perceived as increasingly repressive Israeli  government practices111 or the entrenchment of Israel’s prolonged military  occupation since 1967.112 What this approach misses is a more structural  understanding of Israeli apartheid as an inevitable outcome of settler  colonialism in Palestine and the Zionist movement’s policy to eliminate the  indigenous Palestinian people through removal from the land. Our analysis,  building on the work of Palestinian scholars such as Fayez Sayegh, considers  Israeli apartheid as rooted in the domination of the Palestinian people through  Zionist settler colonialism.113 The starting point for this analysis is the Nakba  of 1948 (and the context that led to it) and the Israeli regime’s subsequent  institutionalisation of discriminatory laws, policies, and practices, to oppress  110  See discussion in: Rafeef Ziadah and Adam Hanieh, ‘Collective Approaches to Activist Knowledge:  Experiences of the New Anti-Apartheid Movement in Toronto’ in Aziz Choudry and Dip Kapoor  (eds), Learning from the Ground Up: Global Perspectives on Social Movements and Knowledge  Production (Palgrave Macmillan, 2010) 85. 111  See, for example, The Times of Israel, ‘Israeli author David Grossman says Israel’s West Bank control  has become ‘apartheid’’ (9 December 2021)  .  112  Michael Sfard, ‘Yes, It’s Israeli Apartheid. Even Without Annexation’ (Ha’aretz, 9 July 2020)  . 113  Sayegh, Zionist Colonialism in Palestine; see also the discussion in Patrick Wolfe, Traces of History:  Elementary Structures of Race  (Verso Books 2016) 203 et seq. Introduction AL-HAQ33and dominate the Palestinian people wherever they reside. We understand  the Israeli occupation since 1967 as an outcome of this regime, rather than  the starting point for the apartheid analysis. This is supported by Sayegh’s  early scholarship on apartheid as a tool of colonialism.114 2.1   Growing Recognition of Israeli Apartheid Over the last three years, Israeli and international human rights organisations  have issued reports concluding that Israeli authorities impose apartheid  over the Palestinian people. In July 2020, the Israeli organisation Yesh Din  issued its report titled The Occupation of the West Bank and the Crime of  Apartheid: Legal Opinion, which concluded that Israeli authorities commit  the crime of apartheid in the West Bank through its military occupation.115  In January 2021, the Israeli human rights organisation B’Tselem issued a  policy paper titled A Regime of Jewish Supremacy from the Jordan River to  the Mediterranean Sea: This is Apartheid. B’Tselem’s paper argued that the  Israeli regime imposes apartheid over Palestinians across historic Palestine,  that is inside the Green Line and in the occupied Palestinian territory.116 Both  analyses by Yesh Din and B’Tselem avoided discussion of the Palestinian  people as a whole, in particular Palestinian refugees, dismissed the question  of racial ideology and the role of Zionist institutions in establishing and  entrenching apartheid, and therefore constituted what Tatour has referred  to as a ‘liberal equality’ approach to Israeli apartheid.117 According to this  approach, apartheid can be ended if the Israeli occupation comes to an  end. Thus, the colonisation of Palestinian land by the Zionist movement  from the late 19th century onward is legitimised, as is the dispossession of  Palestinians and the denial of the right of return of Palestinian refugees  since the start of the Nakba. 114  Sayegh, Zionist Colonialism in Palestine. 115  Yesh Din, The Occupation of the West Bank and the Crime of Apartheid: Legal Opinion  (June 2020)  . 116  B’Tselem, A Regime of Jewish Supremacy from the Jordan River to the Mediterranean Sea: This  is Apartheid  (12 January 2021) . 117  Lana Tatour, ‘Why calling Israel an apartheid state is not enough’ (Middle East Eye, 18 January 2021)  . ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ34Shortly thereafter, Human Rights Watch released its report A Threshold  Crossed: Israeli Authorities and the Crimes of Apartheid and Persecution   in April 2021. Human Rights Watch made an important contribution to  the discourse on Israeli apartheid advanced by Israeli organisations. Its  report concluded that Israeli authorities have pursued ‘the objective of  maintaining Jewish Israeli control vis-à-vis Palestinians over demographics  and land’ on both sides of the Green Line and with regards to Palestinian  refugees denied their right of return.118 This broader analysis of Israeli  apartheid was further elaborated on by Amnesty International in February  2022, which issued its significant and comprehensive report titled Israel’s  Apartheid against Palestinians: Cruel System of Domination and Crime  against Humanity. By analysing Israel’s apartheid as a system of domination  established since 1948, Amnesty International’s report came close to  addressing the structural drivers of Israeli apartheid, further recognising  that ‘[t]he totality of the regime of laws, policies, and practices described  in the report demonstrates that Israel has established and maintained… a  system of apartheid—wherever it has exercised control over Palestinians’  lives.’119 Yet, none of the reports by Israeli and international human rights  organisations went so far as to consider Israeli apartheid within the context  of colonialism, in particular settler colonialism, as Palestinians have.120 These recent reports and analyses on Israeli apartheid published by Israeli  and international human rights organisations were preceded by over five  decades of scholarship, activism, advocacy, and grassroots mobilisation  by Palestinians who have long understood Israeli apartheid within its  Zionist settler colonial context.121 Notably, in 2001, Palestinian civil society  campaigned for the recognition of Israeli apartheid at the World Conference  against Racism in Durban. Subsequently, the Stop the Wall campaign began  to use the apartheid framework in 2002, followed in 2004 by the Palestinian  118  Human Rights Watch, A Threshold Crossed: Israeli Authorities and the Crimes of Apartheid and  Persecution (27 April 2021) . 119  Amnesty International, Israel’s apartheid against Palestinians: Cruel System of domination and  crime against humanity  (1 February 2022) 266  . 120  See , for example, Muhareb, ‘A state of apartheid.’ 121  Sayegh, Zionist Colonialism in Palestine, 27. Introduction AL-HAQ35Campaign for the Academic and Cultural Boycott of Israel (PACBI), which  has since advocated for ‘Palestinian freedom, justice and equality.’122 During  this time, students around the world began to organise Israeli Apartheid  Weeks on campuses to raise awareness and challenge Israel’s regime of  settler colonialism, apartheid, and occupation. In 2005, Palestinian civil society organisations issued a broad call for  boycotts, divestment, and sanctions (BDS) against Israel until it complies  with international law and realises the rights of the Palestinian people as a  whole.123 The BDS Movement has since been at the forefront of Palestinian- led advocacy in building and mainstreaming the comprehensive analysis  of Israel’s regime of settler colonialism, apartheid, and occupation. The  Movement has advanced and proposed effective forms of accountability  for grassroots organisers, movements, civil society, and parliaments to end  complicity with the Israeli regime. It is thanks to this longstanding advocacy  and campaigning that the apartheid analysis in Palestine has now gained  recognition among Israeli and international civil society. Notably, prior to  the 2009 HSRC study, the BDS Movement published a position paper titled  United against Apartheid, Colonialism and Occupation: Dignity and Justice  for the Palestinian People.124 Endorsed by over 90 civil society organisations  from Palestine and around the world, this position paper aimed at building  broad grassroots consensus around Israel’s regime of oppression against  the indigenous Palestinian people as a whole, across historic Palestine and  in exile. In doing so, the significant contributions of the BDS Movement  helped move Palestinian human rights advocacy beyond the confines of  the 1967 lines and toward a more comprehensive approach addressing the  ongoing Nakba. In this report, the Coalition sets out its analysis of Israeli apartheid and  provides recommendations for effective measures to dismantle this regime.  We adopt a comprehensive approach to understanding Israel’s apartheid as  122  See BDS Movement, Palestinian Campaign for the Academic and Cultural Boycott of Israel . 123  BDS Movement, Palestinian Civil Society Call for BDS . 124  BDS Movement, United Against Apartheid, Colonialism and Occupation: Dignity & Justice for the  Palestinian People (October 2008) . ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ36it targets the Palestinian people as a whole since 1948. This report comes at  a critical juncture as the Israeli regime continues to escalate its oppression  of Palestinians. In May 2021, the Israeli occupying authorities’ targeting of  Palestinian families in Sheikh Jarrah was the trigger for the Unity Intifada,  which saw Palestinians on both sides of the Green Line and in exile rise up  against over a century of Zionist settler colonisation. In response, the Israeli  regime attacked Palestinian worshippers at Al-Aqsa mosque and protestors  and journalists in Jerusalem, bombarded Palestinians in the besieged  Gaza Strip, supported settler mob violence against Palestinians inside the  Green Line, and undertook an ongoing mass arbitrary detention campaign  against Palestinians.125 Since then, the Israeli regime has further escalated  extrajudicial executions, collective punishment, and an intensifying  campaign to silence, intimidate, and persecute Palestinians, including the  work of Palestinian civil society. In October 2021, the designation by the  Israeli Defence Minister of six leading Palestinian civil society organisations  as so-called ‘terror organisations’ represented a further dangerous  escalation,126 threatening the ability of the targeted organisations and  of Palestinian civil society at large to continue their work in monitoring,  documenting, and seeking international accountability for widespread and  systematic human rights violations, including suspected war crimes and  crimes against humanity. In this context, the Coalition considers it more  urgent than ever to advocate for immediate, effective coercive measures  aimed at dismantling Israel’s settler colonial apartheid regime. 125  Yara Hawari, ‘Defying Fragmentation and the Significance of Unity: A New Palestinian Uprising’  (Al-Shabaka, 29 June 2021  . 126  Al-Haq, Palestinian Organizations Declared as ‘Unlawful Associations’ by Israeli Military File  Objection: Illegal Decision Devoid of Due Process (3 February 2022) . Introduction AL-HAQ372.2   Methodology For the purposes of analysing Israel’s widespread and systematic human  rights violations against Palestinians through the lens of apartheid, this  report relies on the definitions of the crime of apartheid within the meaning  of Article II of the Apartheid Convention and Article 7(2)(h) of the Rome  Statute. Both definitions have been viewed by civil society and the former  UN Special Rapporteur on Palestine, Michael Lynk, as complementary with  ‘reconcilable’ differences.127 Applying the elements of the crime against  humanity of apartheid to Israeli policies and practices against Palestinians,  this report shows how the Israeli regime systematically privileges Jewish  settlers, in accordance with Zionist doctrine, while oppressing the indigenous  Palestinian people. This report is not intended to provide a comprehensive  overview of the broad range of human rights violations committed against  Palestinians, which have been documented by Palestinian human rights  groups for several decades. Rather, the report lays out the applicability of  the apartheid framework to the experience of the Palestinian people as  a whole under Zionist settler colonialism and discusses the relationship  between these two frameworks. 127  UN Human Rights Council, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of Human Rights in the  Palestinian territories occupied since 1967, Michael Lynk, 21 March 2022, UN Doc A/HRC/49/87,  para 35. ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ © Al-Haq Images Library 38 Zionist Ideology and the Roots of Israeli Apartheid AL-HAQ39 3Zionist Ideology and the Roots of Israeli  Apartheid Since its establishment in 1948, Israel has entrenched a system of  domination over the Palestinian people with the goal of engineering a  Jewish demographic majority through Zionist settlement, colonisation, and  the transfer of indigenous Palestinians from their lands. As prerequisites  for the creation of an exclusively Jewish state in Palestine, the Zionist  movement theorised and planned the forcible transfer of the indigenous  Palestinian people and their dispossession. Through Israeli laws and policies,  particularly those pertaining to nationality, residency, land, and property  rights, the Israeli regime has racialised and fragmented Palestinians as a tool  of domination. These longstanding policies are rooted in Zionist ideology  and doctrine, which constitute Israel’s raison d’état.128 128  See  CERD Report, paras 1, 7, 13, 48.© Al-Haq Images Library ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ403.1   Origins of Israeli Apartheid The roots of Israeli apartheid lie in the preceding decades of Zionist settler  colonialisation. The late 19th century Zionist movement embraced the  view of Jews as a distinct ‘race,’ enshrining it in the charters of Zionist  institutions to create a national home for the Jews. The first and largest of  these institutions include the twin WZO/JA established in 1897 and 1921  respectively and the JNF founded in 1901. These Zionist institutions have  operated for over a century to serve exclusively persons of Jewish ‘race  or descent,’ in pursuit of establishing a Zionist state that embodies and  promotes a corresponding ‘Jewish nationality.’ This constructed civil status  forms a pillar of the Israeli state ideology of racialised Jewish supremacy  over all others and the requisite for their exclusionary enjoyment of human  rights in Palestine. The Zionist movement had sought recognition of its Zionist national  institutions in public international law129 as a priority for the purpose of  meeting the criteria of eventual statehood within the law of nations.130  In the absence of a distinct population/people and land/territory, also  recognised as essential to any modern state, these institutions and their  affiliates became the proxy of the intended government, each chartered to  serve only persons of ‘Jewish race or [biological] descent’ (emphasis added).  The JNF was—and remains—chartered with the purpose and primary  objective to acquire lands in Palestine131 exclusively for Jewish persons  and to ‘promote the interests of Jews in the prescribed region.’132 These  proto-state institutions uphold the theory and ideology equating Jews with  a distinct race and ‘legal’ notion of ‘Jewish nationality,’133 a constructed civil  status ‘racially’ superior to mere ‘citizens’ in Israel. 129  W Thomas Mallison and Sally V Mallison, The Palestine Question in International Law and World  Order (Longman, 1986). 130  Article 1, Montevideo Convention on the Rights and Duties of States (adopted 26 December 1933,  entry into force 26 December 1934) 165 LNTS 20 (hereinafter ‘Montevideo Convention’). 131  Article 3(a), JNF Memorandum of Association (1901), and Article 3(i), JNF Memorandum of  Association (1953). 132  Ibid ., Article 3(g) and Article 3(vii), respectively. 133  George Raphael Tamarin v. The State of Israel (CA 630 70), 1971; Udi Ornan et al v. Ministry of Interior (CA  8573 08) 2013. Zionist Ideology and the Roots of Israeli Apartheid AL-HAQ413.2   Zionist Settler Colonialism Writing about Zionist colonisation in 1965, Fayez Sayegh saw racism as  integral to the project of establishing a Jewish state in Palestine.134 He argued  that Zionist doctrine demanded ‘racial purity and racial exclusiveness.’135  Sayegh, who viewed Zionist colonisation as akin to apartheid already then,  also understood the Zionist project as one of ‘racial elimination’ of the  Palestinian people.136 Similarly, the French sociologist Maxime Rodinson  observed at the time that:  Wanting to create a purely Jewish, or predominantly Jewish, state  in an Arab Palestine in the twentieth century could not help but lead  to a colonial-type situation and to the development (completely  normal,  sociologically speaking) of a racist state of mind.137 Such analysis preceded the Israeli military occupation since 1967138 and thus  helps us understand occupation as a product and tool of Israeli apartheid.  Tellingly, some of the scholarship on Zionism and racism even predates 1948.  In 1945, anti-Zionist Rabbi Elmer Berger published his book titled The Jewish  Dilemma  in which he rejected Zionism’s plan to ‘segregate’ Jews in a country  of their own and made the case for Jewish emancipation in the countries  where they lived around the world. The 1943 Statement of Principles of the  American Council for Judaism, of which Berger was the vice-president and  director,139 rejected Zionist racism and segregation, stating: We oppose the effort to establish a national Jewish state in  Palestine or anywhere else… We dissent from all these related  doctrines that stress the racialism, the nationalism and the  theoretical homelessness of the Jews. We oppose such doctrines  134  Sayegh, Zionist Colonialism in Palestine,  21; see also Kayyali, ‘Zionism and Imperialism’ 98-99. 135  Sayegh, Zionist Colonialism in Palestine, 22-23 (emphasis in the original). 136  Ibid , 27. 137  Maxime Rodinson, ‘Israël : fait colonial ?’ (1967) Les Temps Modernes 215-216;  Maxime Rodinson,  Israel: A Colonial-Settler State? (Monad Press 1973) 77 (translated into English by David Thorstad). 138  Nimer Sultany, ‘Colonial Realities: From Sheikh Jarrah to Lydda’ (Mondoweiss, 12 May 2021)   . 139  See Norton Mezvinsky, ‘In Memoriam: Rabbi Elmer Berger, 1908-1996’ (Washington Report on  Middle East Affairs , 25 November 1996) . ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ42as inimical to the welfare of Jews in Palestine, in America, or  wherever Jews may dwell...140 Through critical ‘third world’ contributions, the UN General Assembly  would in 1975 determine that ‘zionism is a form of racism and racial  discrimination’ in Resolution 3379 (XXX). Adopted with 72 votes in favour,  35 against, and 32 abstentions, the determination was revoked in 1991 as  a condition for Israel’s participation in the Madrid Conference.141 3.2.1   A Settler Colonial Logic Settler colonialism is a distinct form of colonialism in which settlers  seek primarily to displace and replace indigenous peoples on the  land.142 Settler colonialism involves a particular ‘mode of domination’  wherein the oppression and racialisation of indigenous peoples serves  to entrench the colonisation of the land and the implantation of settlers  therein.143 Critically, Patrick Wolfe has understood settler colonialism as  premised on the ‘logic of elimination’ of indigenous peoples, involving  continued dispossession from the land and denial of indigenous  sovereignty.144 Settler colonialism is an ongoing process.145 In South Africa, the institutionalisation of apartheid as the official state  policy in 1948 followed three centuries of European settler colonisation  in southern Africa. During this time, ‘black South Africans were stripped  140  Elmer Berger, The Jewish Dilemma  (Devin-Adair Company, 1945) 246-247. 141  UN General Assembly, Resolution 46/86, UN Doc A/RES/46/86, 16 December 1991. See also  Noura  Erakat and John Reynolds, ‘Understanding Apartheid’ (Jewish Currents, 1 November 2022) . 142  Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics  of an Ethnographic Event (Cassell, 1999) 1 (emphasis in the original). 143  Lorenzo Veracini, ‘Introduction: Settler colonialism as a distinct mode of domination’ in Edward  Cavanagh and Lorenzo Veracini (eds) The Routledge Handbook of the History of Settler Colonialism   (Routledge, 2017) 1, 4; see also  Muhareb and Clancy, ‘Palestine and the Meaning of Domination.’ 144  Patrick Wolfe, ‘Settler Colonialism and the Elimination of the Native’ (2006) 8(4) Journal of Genocide  Research 387, 387-388. 145  Fiona Bateman and Lionel Pilkington (eds), Studies in Settler Colonialism: Politics, Identity and  Culture  (Palgrave Macmillan, 2011) 2. Zionist Ideology and the Roots of Israeli Apartheid AL-HAQ43of their land, liberties, and political rights.’146 Through apartheid, they  endured further political repression and fragmentation of their country.147  The establishment of the South African apartheid regime did not negate  the settler colonial context. Instead, that context laid the necessary  foundations for apartheid to be institutionalised. For example, the 1913  Natives Land Act, enacted prior to 1948, accelerated settler colonisation  in South Africa and the dispossession of Black South Africans, who ‘could  only purchase land in Scheduled Native Areas,’ which ‘represented seven  percent of the territory of South Africa’ and allowed for the forcible removal  of the indigenous people from their land.148 In Palestine, the Nakba was  instrumental in the institutionalisation of Zionist settler colonialism and  apartheid, aimed at denying Palestinian refugees and displaced persons  their right of return, thereby entrenching their dispossession, Palestinian  fragmentation, and domination. 3.2.2   The Ongoing Nakba In 1897, the First Zionist Congress held in Basel established the WZO and  resolved to ‘create for the Jewish people a home in Palestine secured by  public law.’149 The British Mandate for Palestine (1922–1948) facilitated and  provided fertile ground for the creation of a Zionist settler colonial state  in Palestine. Crystallising the alliance between Zionist colonialism and the  British empire,150 the British Foreign Secretary at the time, Arthur Balfour,  made his infamous 1917 Declaration supporting the ‘establishment in  Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people.’ The Balfour Declaration  added that the British government would ‘use their best endeavours to  facilitate the achievement of this object.’151 Thus, in 1920, the WZO’s public  146  John Dugard and John Reynolds, ‘Apartheid, International Law, and the occupied Palestinian  territory’ (2013) 24(3) European Journal of International Law 867, 872-873. 147  Ibid . 148  Tshepo Madlingozi, Mayibuye iAfrika?: disjunctive inclusions and black strivings for constitution  and belonging in ’South Africa’ (2018) (Thesis, Unpublished) 29-30  . 149  Central Zionist Archives . 150  Sayegh, Zionist Colonialism in Palestine, 11-19. 151  The Balfour Declaration (2 November 1917) . ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ44law status was recognised in Article 4 of the British Mandate for Palestine,  which provided: An appropriate Jewish agency shall be recognised as a public body   for the purpose of advising and co-operating with the [British]  Administration of Palestine in such economic, social and other  matters as may affect the establishment of the Jewish national  home… The Zionist organisation, so long as its organisation and  constitution are in the opinion of the Mandatory appropriate, shall  be recognised as such agency...152 Throughout the British mandate period, the Zionist movement in Palestine  grew stronger until it eventually became a ‘shadow government’ alongside  the British mandate authorities.153 In 1947, the British empire withdrew  from Palestine and transferred the Question of Palestine to the UN. On  29 November 1947, the UN General Assembly adopted Resolution 181 (II)  recommending the partition of Palestine into an ‘Arab’ and a ‘Jewish’ state.154  As had been recognised by the UN Special Committee on Palestine (UNSCOP)  in September 1947, the ‘Jewish national home’ project and the anomalous  nature of the British Mandate for Palestine—which was to ‘facilitate Jewish  immigration’ to Palestine155—violated the principle of self-determination  adhered to with respect of other Arab states whose sovereignty and  independence were attained.156 The UN partition resolution also disregarded the demographic reality on  the ground. Toward the end of the British mandate in 1947, the indigenous  Palestinian people constituted over two thirds of the total population of  the country. Palestinian historian Walid Khalidi observed that despite over  152  Article 4, League of Nations, British Mandate for Palestine (24 July 1922) (emphasis added)  (hereinafter ‘British Mandate for Palestine’); see discussion in Mallison and Mallison, The Palestine  Problem,  92-93. 153  Ibid. , 98-101. 154  UN General Assembly, Resolution 181 (II), 29 November 1947, UN Doc A/RES/181 (II). 155  Article 6, British Mandate for Palestine. 156  UN General Assembly, UNSCOP Report to the General Assembly, 3 September 1947, UN Doc A/364, para  176 ;  see also Muhareb and Clancy, ‘Palestine and the Meaning of Domination’ 13 . Zionist Ideology and the Roots of Israeli Apartheid AL-HAQ45seventy years of Zionist settler colonisation from the early 1880s onward,  ‘Jewish-owned land on the eve of the partition resolution amounted to less  than 7 percent of the total land area of the country.’157 Yet, the partition  resolution allotted 56 per cent of mandatory Palestine to a Jewish state.  According to Khalidi: what the UN was effectively saying to the Yishuv [the pre-state  Zionist settler movement in Palestine] was: go seize those  additional 13.3 million dunams that you don’t own from those  who do—from the largely agricultural people who live in those  areas and derive their livelihood from them.158 Highlighting the inconsistencies of the UN partition plan, which Palestinians  rejected, Khalidi showed that: In Palestine… there was no agreement on the principle of partition  between Arabs and Jews. There was little correlation between  the areas allotted to the Jewish state and the demographic or  land ownership situation on the ground. There was no central  authority to oversee the process, the British having abandoned  ship by 15 May 1948. And, of course, there was no agreed  mechanism for implementation. Thus, what the UN [General  Assembly] partition resolution basically did was to give the fully  mobilized military forces of the Yishuv… an alibi to establish the  new Jewish state by force of arms under the guise of conforming  to the international will.159 In this context, the Zionist leadership developed strategies to deal  with the indigenous Palestinian presence as a ‘demographic problem.’  On 3 December 1947, Ben-Gurion warned of the need to deal with the  unfavourable demographic reality in the country: There are 40 [per cent] non-Jews in the area allocated to the  Jewish state. This composition is not a solid basis for a Jewish  157  Walid Khalidi, ‘Revisiting the UNGA Partition Resolution’ (1997) 27(1) Journal of Palestine Studies  5, 13. 158  Walid Khalidi, ‘The Hebrew Reconquista of Palestine: From the 1947 United Nations Partition  Resolution to the First Zionist Congress of 1897’ (2009) 39(1) Journal of Palestine Studies 24, 26. 159  Ibid. , 27. ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ46state… Such a demographic balance questions our ability to  maintain Jewish sovereignty… Only a state with at least 80 [per  cent] Jews is a viable and stable state.160 In March 1948, Zionist efforts to transfer and dispossess the indigenous  Palestinian people culminated with their adoption of Plan Dalet, which  provided clear operational orders and called for Palestinians’ ‘systematic  and total expulsion from their homeland.’161 Under the directives of Plan  Dalet, Zionist militias were to wipe out the armed forces in Palestinian  villages and expel Palestinians ‘outside the borders of the state’ in the event  of resistance.162 During the Nakba, Zionist militias destroyed 531 Palestinian  villages and 11 urban neighbourhoods in Palestinian cities and expelled  80 per cent of the indigenous Palestinian people from their homes, lands,  and properties. Approximately 15,000 Palestinians were killed in over 70  massacres throughout the war that continued until 1949.163 On 14 May 1948, Ben-Gurion proclaimed the establishment of Israel on  77 per cent of the land of historic Palestine, where only about 150,000  indigenous Palestinians remained, a quarter of them internally displaced.164  To prevent Palestinian refugees and displaced persons from returning  to their homes and ensure the consolidation of Zionist settler colonial  domination, Israeli forces imposed a military administration and extended  martial law over Palestinians inside the 1949 Armistice Agreements Line  (the Green Line) for 19 years, lasting from 1948 until 1966. This policy was  extended, in June 1967, with the ongoing Israeli military occupation of the  West Bank, including the eastern part of Jerusalem, the Gaza Strip, and the  occupied Syrian Golan. 160  Cited in Ilan Pappe, The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine (Oneworld, 2006) 48. 161  Ibid. , 28; Walid  Khalidi, ‘Plan Dalet: Master Plan for the Conquest of Palestine’ (1988) 18(1) Journal  of Palestine Studies 4, 24. 162  Khalidi, ‘Plan Dalet,’ 29. 163  PCBS, ‘Dr. Ola Awad, reviews the conditions of the Palestinian people via statistical figures and  findings, on the 72nd Annual Commemoration of the Palestinian Nakba’ (13 May 2020) . 164  See BADIL, ‘From the 1948 Nakba to the 1967 Naksa’ (BADIL Occasional Bulletin No 18, June 2004)  ;  see also  Rania Muhareb, ‘The Nakba 70 Years On: Israel’s Failure to Erase Palestinian Collective  Memory’ (Al-Haq , 15 May 2018) . Zionist Ideology and the Roots of Israeli Apartheid AL-HAQ47During the Nakba, Zionist militias perpetrated mass atrocities against  Palestinians, including the destruction and pillage of Palestinian villages and  towns, the mass expulsion of the Palestinian civilian population from their  homes, and the subsequent expropriation of Palestinian land and property  for the implantation of Zionist colonial settlers. These acts amounted to  violations of the laws and customs of war that had been recognised as  constituting customary international law by 1945.165 Notably, the 1907  Hague Regulations prohibited wanton destruction of property without  military necessity166 and pillage,167 while deportation of civilian populations  for any purpose and ‘persecutions on political, racial or religious grounds’  in connection with the armed conflict were recognised in the 1945 Charter  of the International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg as crimes against  humanity.168 These norms were established prior to the Nakba and were  applicable to the 1947–1949 war over Palestine. As Francesca Albanese and  Lex Takkenberg write in relation to the rights of Palestinian refugees, ‘the  legal framework in force in 1948, if enforced, would have been sufficient to  either prevent or to address Palestinian displacement and dispossession.’169 Despite this, impunity for suspected international crimes committed against  Palestinians has prevailed and Palestinian refugees have been denied their  right to return to their homes, lands, and properties since 1948. As a result,  the Nakba has been an ongoing process of displacement and dispossession  for Palestinians, who continue to face house demolitions, forcible transfer,  discriminatory planning and zoning, and other measures of demographic  165  See discussion in ICRC, Customary IHL Database, Rule 156: Definition of War Crimes : ‘The  International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg determined that violations of the Hague Regulations  amounted to war crimes because these treaty rules had crystallized into customary law by the time  of the Second World War.’ 166  Article 23(g), Hague Convention (IV) Respecting the Laws and Customs of War on Land and Its  Annex: Regulations Concerning the Laws and Customs of War on Land  (adopted 18 October 1907,  entry into force 26 January 1910) (hereinafter ‘Hague Regulations’).  167  Article 47, Hague Regulations. 168  Article 6(c), Charter of the International Military Tribunal , annex to the Agreement for the  Prosecution and Punishment of the Major War Criminals of the European Axis (adopted 8 August  1945 at London) (hereinafter ‘IMT Charter’). 169  Francesca Albanese and Lex Takkenberg, Palestinian Refugees in International Law (OUP 2020) 135- 136;  Article 6(b), IMT Charter. ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ48engineering by the Israeli regime to force their removal from the land. The  ongoing Nakba thus conforms with settler colonialism’s logic of elimination  of the indigenous Palestinian people. Notwithstanding, the right of return  of Palestinian refugees has only gained further recognition as a matter of  international law since 1948 and must ultimately be upheld.170 3.2.3   The Prohibition of Colonialism and its Associated Practices International law sets out the prohibition of colonialism and its associated  practices through several principles, including: the prohibition of the use  of force; the prohibition of population transfer; and the right of peoples to  self-determination. Under public international law, the prohibition of the use of force is codified  in Article 2(4) of the UN Charter, which prohibits territorial conquests and  the acquisition of territory by force.171 Additionally, population transfer  counts among the most serious crimes under international law, prohibited  both in wartime and in times of peace.172 International humanitarian law  sets out the prohibition of forcible transfer in occupied territory in Article  49(1) of the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949,173 providing: Individual or mass forcible transfers, as well as deportations of  protected persons from occupied territory to the territory of the  Occupying Power or to that of any other country, occupied or not,  are prohibited, regardless of their motive. Article 49(6) of the Fourth Geneva Convention further prohibits the transfer by  the Occupying Power of ‘parts of its own civilian population into the territory  it occupies.’ In his 1958 Commentary on the Fourth Geneva Convention, Jean  Pictet explained that Article 49(6) can be understood as intended: 170  See notably, Albanese and Takkenberg, Palestinian Refugees, 179-180. 171  See also OHCHR, Annexation is a flagrant violation of international law, says UN human rights expert  (20 June 2019) . 172  Schechla, ‘Ideological Roots of Population Transfer’ (1993) 14(2) Third World Quarterly 239. 173  Geneva Convention Relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War (adopted 12 August  1949, entry into force 21 October 1950) 75 UNTS 287 (hereinafter ‘Fourth Geneva Convention’). Zionist Ideology and the Roots of Israeli Apartheid AL-HAQ49to prevent a practice adopted during the Second World War by  certain Powers, which transferred portions of their own population  to occupied territory for political and racial reasons or in order, as  they claimed, to colonize those territories.174 Unlawful transfer amounts to a grave breach of the Fourth Geneva  Convention under Article 147. Accordingly, the High Contracting Parties to  the Convention have an obligation, under Article 146, to ‘provide effective  penal sanctions for persons committing, or ordering to be committed’ this  grave breach. The Rome Statute further enshrines the grave breach of ‘[u] nlawful deportation or transfer’ as a war crime in Article 8(2)(a)(vii) for  the purposes of the ICC. In addition, Article 7(1)(d) of the Rome Statute  codifies ‘[d]eportation or forcible transfer of population’ as a crime  against humanity ‘when committed as part of a widespread or systematic  attack against any civilian population.’175 The Rome Statute defines the  crime against humanity of forcible transfer of population as: forced displacement of the persons concerned by expulsion  or other coercive acts from the area in which they are lawfully  present, without grounds permitted under international law.176 Another inherent component of settler colonialism is the denial of the  right to self-determination and sovereignty of the indigenous people(s),177  which right the UN established as a chartered principle in 1945.178 The  right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and the provisional  independence of Palestine had already been recognised in the 1920s, but  was violated by the League of Nations’ British Mandate for Palestine in  order to facilitate Zionist settler colonisation.179 Thus, the 1947 UN General  174  Jean Pictet, Commentary on the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949, Vol IV  (ICRC, 1958) 283. 175  Article 7(1), Rome Statute. 176  Article 7(2)(d), Rome Statute. 177  This was recently affirmed by the UN Special Rapporteur on Palestine, Francesca Albanese; UN  General Assembly, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the  Palestinian territories occupied since 1967, Francesca Albanese, 21 September 2022, UN Doc  A/77/356, para 13. 178  Article 1(2), UN Charter. 179  Article 22, Covenant of the League of Nations (adopted 28 April 1919);  see also , UN General  Assembly, UNSCOP Report to the General Assembly, 3 September 1947, UN Doc A/364, para 176. ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ50Assembly recommendation for the partition of Palestine violated sacrosanct  principles of international law. The right of peoples to self-determination  was further codified in 1966 when it was enshrined in Article 1 of the  International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and Article  1 of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights  (ICESCR), setting out the right of peoples to ‘freely determine their political  status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development,’  and in doing so, to ‘freely dispose of their natural wealth and resources.’ By the 1960s, as highlighted by Albanese, ‘self-determination became the  normative framework for advancing decolonization.’180 In 1960, the UN  General Assembly adopted the Declaration on the Granting of Independence  to Colonial Countries and Peoples, which determined that liberation  necessitates ‘an end… to colonialism and all practices of segregation and  discrimination associated therewith.’181 The Declaration considered that: The subjection of peoples to alien subjugation, domination and  exploitation constitutes a denial of fundamental human rights, is  contrary to the Charter of the United Nations and is an impediment  to the promotion of world peace and co-operation.182 It further determined that: Any attempt aimed at the partial or total disruption of the national  unity and the territorial integrity of a country is incompatible with  the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations.183 The Colonialism Declaration expressly prohibited ‘alien subjugation,  domination and exploitation’ and the violation of a country’s national  unity and territorial integrity as elements of colonialism. Meanwhile,  in 1971 the ICJ advisory opinion in Namibia considered the colonial  regime and continued presence of South Africa in Namibia, following  180  UN General Assembly, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the  Palestinian territories occupied since 1967, Francesca Albanese, 21 September 2022, UN Doc  A/77/356, para 20. 181  UN General Assembly, Resolution 1514 (XV), 14 December 1960, UN Doc A/RES/1514 (XV),  preamble. 182  Ibid ., para 1. 183  Ibid ., para 6. Zionist Ideology and the Roots of Israeli Apartheid AL-HAQ51the end of the League of Nations mandate, a violation of the right to  self-determination and an illegal occupation.184 More recently, in  relation to the Chagos Islands, the ICJ considered that ‘the peoples of  non-self-governing territories are entitled to exercise their right to self- determination in relation to their territory as a whole, the integrity of  which must be respected by the administering Power.’185 In 2009, the HSRC study applied the law on colonialism as derived from  the Colonialism Declaration to the situation in the occupied Palestinian  territory and determined that ‘the implementation of a colonial policy by  Israel has not been piecemeal but is systematic and comprehensive.’186 In  particular, the study identified as colonial practices the Israeli occupying  authorities’ illegal annexation of parts of the occupied Palestinian territory,  the violation of Palestine’s territorial contiguity through illegal settlement  construction, and critically, the denial to the Palestinian people of their  collective right to self-determination.187 The law on colonialism, taken together with principles of international law  establishing the right of peoples to self-determination and the prohibition  of the acquisition of territory by force and of population transfer, makes  it abundantly clear that cross-border transfer and internal demographic  manipulation inside the Green Line constitute colonial practices in flagrant  violation of international law. These practices breach a wide range of  Palestinians’ individual and collective rights, including their right of return  to their country and freedom of movement, residence, and the right to  family life within. 184  International Court of Justice, Legal Consequences for States of the Continued Presence of South  Africa in Namibia (South West Africa) Notwithstanding Security Council Resolution 276 (1970),  Advisory Opinion, ICJ Reports 1971, 21 June 1971, p 16, paras 52 and 117-119. 185  International Court of Justice, Legal Consequences of the Separation of the Chagos Archipelago  from Mauritius in 1965, Advisory Opinion, ICJ Reports 2019, 25 February 2019, p 95, para 160. 186  HSRC Study, 16. 187  Ibid ., 15-16 and 40-48. ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ523.3  Fragmentation and the Limits of International  Humanitarian Law Since 1967, the dominant legal framework that has been used to  address the situation in the occupied Palestinian territory has been that  of belligerent occupation under international humanitarian law. The  occupation framework has allowed Palestinians to draw attention to  the illegality of Zionist settler colonial practices targeting the Palestinian  people, comprising population transfer, wilful killing, torture and other  inhuman treatment, collective punishment, arbitrary deprivation of liberty,  and other measures.188 These practices are also prohibited as a matter of  international human rights law, as enshrined among others in the ICCPR,189  ICESCR,190 and the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman  or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CAT).191 However, Israel, as the  Occupying Power, did not ratify the majority of international human rights  law treaties until 1991, with the exception of ICERD, which it ratified on 3  January 1979. Thus, for several decades, including through the early work  of Palestinian human rights organisations such as Al-Haq, founded in 1979,  the predominant legal framework used to analyse Israeli policies in the  occupied Palestinian territory was that of international humanitarian law.  This framework was supplemented in the 1990s with that of international  human rights law, which has since been used by legal practitioners and  scholars in tandem with international humanitarian law in an effort to  maximise the legal protection of Palestinians under Israeli occupation.192 The concurrent applicability of international humanitarian law and  international human rights law in the occupied Palestinian territory  188  Articles 32, 33, 49, 78, and 147 Fourth Geneva Convention. 189  Articles 6(1), 7, 9, 17(1), ICCPR (among other rights impacted by policies of collective punishment). 190  Articles 10(1), 11(1), ICESCR (among other rights impacted by policies of collective punishment). 191  Articles 1 and 2, Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment  or Punishment (adopted 10 December 1984, entry into force 26 June 1987) 1465 UNTS 85  (hereinafter ‘CAT’). 192  See discussion in Linda Bevis, The Applicability of International Human Rights Law to Occupied  Territories: The Case of the Occupied Palestinian Territories (Al-Haq, 2003) . Zionist Ideology and the Roots of Israeli Apartheid AL-HAQ53was recognised early on by the UN human rights treaty bodies,193 and  subsequently by the ICJ in 2004.194 Using both frameworks in a  complementary fashion allows for certain gaps to be bridged in the  occupation law framework. Notably, a structural challenge has been that  international humanitarian law does not in itself outlaw situations of  military occupation. As a result, experts such as the former UN Special  Rapporteur on Palestine, Michael Lynk, have authoritatively analysed how,  as a matter of international humanitarian law, the Israeli occupation has  in fact ‘crossed the red line into illegality’ through its prolonged nature,  its violation of the prohibition of annexation, and the Occupying Power’s  failure to administer the occupied territory in ‘good faith’ and in the ‘best  interests’ of the occupied Palestinian population.195 More recently, the  ongoing UN Commission of Inquiry on Palestine has also concluded that  the Israeli occupation is illegal,196 while the General Assembly has since  referred the question of the (il)legality of the Israeli occupation to the ICJ  for an advisory opinion.197 This is relevant in light of the fact that Israeli  military laws and administration have, first from 1948 onward and then  since 1967, served as a tool for establishing and maintaining its apartheid  regime over the Palestinian people.198 193  See, notably, CERD, Concluding observations on the seventh, eighth and ninth periodic reports of  Israel, UN Doc CERD/C/304/Add.45, 30 March 1998, paras 4 and 10-12; Human Rights Committee,  Concluding observations on the initial report of Israel, UN Doc CCPR/C/79/Add.93, 18 August 1998,  para 10; CESCR, Concluding observations on the initial report of Israel, UN Doc E/C.12/1/Add.27, 4  December 1998, para 6; CRC Committee, Concluding observations on the initial report of Israel, UN  Doc CRC/C/15/Add.195, 9 October 2002, para 2; CAT Committee, Report of the Committee against  Torture (2002), UN Doc A/57/44, para 215. 194  International Court of Justice, Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied  Palestinian Territory, Advisory Opinion, ICJ Reports 2004, p 136, paras 109-112 (hereinafter ‘Wall  Opinion’). 195  UN General Assembly, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the  Palestinian territories occupied since 1967, Michael Lynk, UN Doc A/72/43106, 23 October 2017,  paras 44-62. 196  UN General Assembly, Report of the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on  the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, and Israel, UN Doc A/77/328, 14  September 2022, para 75. 197  UN General Assembly, Fourth Committee, Draft Resolution, 10 November 2022, UN Doc  A/C.4/77/L.12/Rev.1, para 18. 198  See discussion in Al-Haq, Entrenching and Maintaining an Apartheid Regime over the Palestinian  People as a Whole: Joint Submission to the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the Situation of  Human Rights in the Palestinian Territories Occupied Since 1967, Mr Michael Lynk (January 2022)  . See also  Amnesty International, Israel’s apartheid against  Palestinians: Cruel system of domination and crime against humanity  105-108 (1 February 2022)   . ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ54While overdue developments in relation to outlining the illegality of the  Israeli occupation are encouraging and should lead to effective measures to  end Israel’s prolonged occupation since 1967, the primary limitation of the  occupation framework in Palestine has been the fragmented nature with  which it has been applied to the experience of the Palestinian people as a  whole. Thus, the international community only recognises the territories  occupied by Israel since 1967, that is the West Bank, including the eastern  part of Jerusalem, the Gaza Strip, and the occupied Syrian Golan, as  occupied.199 In turn, the international community neither recognises the  territory of historic Palestine that lies inside the Green Line as occupied  nor has it recognised Palestinian collective rights therein, including to self- determination. Although belligerent occupation applies on the facts, when  the warring army has been subjugated and the occupying force establishes  military presence and substitution of governing authority, there are other  categories of occupation which do not need to meet these criteria and which  may be applicable inside the Green Line, for example, armistice occupation,  post-debellatio occupation, or forcible peacetime occupations.200 Part of the challenge in applying international humanitarian law as the  dominant legal framework in Palestine is linked to the fragmentation of  the Palestinian people and of historic Palestine since the Nakba. This  is due to the recognition the international community lends to Israel,  while disregarding the state’s establishment through the inadmissible  ‘acquisition of territory by war,’201 the ongoing mass forcible transfer of  Palestinians, and the denial of the right of return of Palestinian refugees,  displaced persons, and involuntary exiles, contrary to international law.202  In this context, the occupation framework has proved insufficient on its  own in addressing the totality of the Palestinian collective experience  of dispossession, displacement, refugeehood, and settler colonial  domination and persecution both inside the Green Line and in the  occupied Palestinian territory. 199  See  discussion in Muhareb and Clancy, ‘Palestine and the Meaning of Domination.’ 200  Adam Roberts, ‘What is a Military Occupation’ (1984) 55(1) British Yearbook of International Law  249-305. 201  UN Security Council, Resolution 242, 22 November 1967, UN Doc S/RES/242 (1967). 202  Albanese and Takkenberg, Palestinian Refugees, 135-136 and 179-180 . Zionist Ideology and the Roots of Israeli Apartheid AL-HAQ55This fragmented approach has only exacerbated the legal, political, and  geographical fragmentation that Palestinians face on the ground due to the  nature of Zionist settler colonial domination. In fact, predominant reliance  on international humanitarian law in the context of Palestine means that  some of the same discriminatory Israeli policies and practices targeting  Palestinians’ indigenous presence on the land have been addressed through  different legal regimes, with at times absurd consequences. For example,  the international community has considered Israeli settlements in the  occupied Palestinian territory illegal due to the unlawful displacement and  dispossession of Palestinians from their lands and their replacement with  Israeli settlers. Yet, exclusive Zionist settlement, involving the displacement  and dispossession of Palestinians inside the Green Line, has in turn been  normalised by the international community. Both are integral processes of  Zionist settler colonialism and form part of the same policy of displacement  and replacement of the indigenous Palestinian people on the land. By defying the fragmentation of the Palestinian people, the apartheid  framework has the potential to draw attention to the continuity of  settler colonial domination across historic Palestine and vis-à-vis  Palestinian refugees and exiles denied their right of return.203 Yet, to  date, the apartheid framework has also been used in ways that entrench  Palestinian fragmentation rather than seek to overcome it, such as in  Yesh Din’s examination of apartheid in the West Bank only, or in the  distinction the report by Human Rights Watch drew between the same   Israeli policies targeting Palestinians based on which side of the Green  Line they are committed on.204 Adopting a comprehensive apartheid framework, as this report advances,  allows for a consideration of the experience of the Palestinian people as  a whole under Zionist settler colonialism, regardless of their geographical  location or the legal status imposed on them by the Israeli regime. The  apartheid analysis, which incorporates settler colonialism as the overarching  203  See for example: Rinad Abdulla, ‘Colonialism and Apartheid against Fragmented Palestinians:  Putting the Pieces Back Together’ (2016) 5(1) State Crime Journal 51. 204  Rania Muhareb, ‘Apartheid, the Green Line, and the Need to Overcome Palestinian Fragmentation’  (EJIL: Talk!, 7 July 2021)  .  ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ56framework, has therefore been advanced as a more comprehensive  framework that takes into consideration the totality of the Palestinian  collective experience.205 This is not to say that adopting the apartheid  framework means abandoning that of occupation law. On the contrary,  Palestinian civil society has long advanced the apartheid framework  alongside the frameworks of occupation and colonialism as a comprehensive  articulation of the reality on the ground.206 This report applies the apartheid  framework as a vehicle to overcoming the fragmentation of the Palestinian  people and that of international law as it has been predominantly applied to  Palestine to date. It draws on international humanitarian law, international  human rights law, and international criminal law to ensure comprehensive  protection for the Palestinian people. 205  Nadia Hijab and Ingrid Jaradat Gassner, ‘Talking Palestine: What Frame of Analysis? Which Goals  and Messages?’ (Al-Shabaka, 12 April 2017)  . 206  BDS, Palestinian Civil Society Call for BDS (9 July 2005) ; see also   HSRC Study (to which Palestinian human rights organisations Al-Haq and Adalah contributed); see  Al-Haq, South African study finds that Israel is practicing colonialism and apartheid in the Occupied  Palestinian Territory (4 June 2009) . Constructing Apartheid AL-HAQ57 4 Constructing Apartheid The history of apartheid will remain intrinsically linked to the regime of  systematic racial oppression and domination formally imposed in South  Africa and through the occupation of Namibia between 1948 and 1994.  Despite having its origins in South Africa, apartheid is internationally  prohibited as a form of racial discrimination and a crime against humanity. International human rights law, through Article 3 of ICERD, imposes an  obligation on states parties to ‘prevent, prohibit and eradicate’ policies  and practices of apartheid within their jurisdiction.207 International  criminal law offers avenues to punish perpetrators of the crime of  apartheid, including individuals, organisations, and institutions,208 and  international humanitarian law designates practices of apartheid  committed in situations of armed conflict and military occupation a grave  breach of the 1977 Additional Protocol I to the Geneva Conventions of  207  Article 3, ICERD. 208  Article I(2), Apartheid Convention; Article 7(1)(j), Rome Statute.© Activestills ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ5812 August 1949 (Additional Protocol I).209 Additionally, the law of state  responsibility requires third states: (1) not to recognise the unlawful  situation arising from the imposition of apartheid; (2) not to aid or assist  in the maintenance of the unlawful situation; and (3) to cooperate to  bring such a situation to an end.210 Starting in the 1960s, the UN adopted increasingly restrictive and  punitive measures to counter the South African apartheid regime. The  General Assembly adopted a series of resolutions designating apartheid  as a crime against humanity211 and, in 1973, adopted the Apartheid  Convention toward the suppression and punishment of this crime.212 In  1976, against the backdrop of the South African apartheid regime’s  violent suppression of the Soweto uprising,213 the Security Council finally  recognised apartheid as ‘a crime against the conscience and dignity of  mankind.’214 In 1998, following the formal end of the apartheid regime  in South Africa and Namibia, the crime against humanity of apartheid  was codified within the jurisdiction of the ICC.215 209  Article 85(4)(c), Additional Protocol I. 210  Articles 41(1) and 41(2), Draft Articles on State Responsibility. 211  UN General Assembly, Resolution 2074 (XX), 17 December 1965, UN Doc A/RES/2074 (XX), para 4;  UN General Assembly, Resolution 2202A (XXI), 16 December 1966, UN Doc A/RES/2202A (XXI), para  1; see also Paul Eden, ‘The Role of the Rome Statute in the Criminalization of Apartheid’ (2014) 12  Journal of International Criminal Justice 171, 174. 212  UN General Assembly, Resolution 3068 (XXVIII), 30 November 1973, A/RES/3068(XXVIII). 213  See, for example, South African History Online, ‘The June 16 Soweto Youth Uprising’ . 214  UN Security Council, Resolution 392, 19 June 1976, UN Doc S/RES/392 (1976), para 3. 215  Article 7(1)(j), Rome Statute. Constructing Apartheid AL-HAQ594.1   The Prohibition of Apartheid The prohibition of apartheid is rooted in the general prohibition of  racial discrimination under public international law, notably enshrined  in Articles 1(3) and 55 of the UN Charter.216 The prohibition can similarly be  located within core instruments of international human rights law, including  Article 2 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights,217 Articles 2(1) and  26 of the ICCPR, Article 2(2) of the ICESCR,  and in other international human  rights treaties ratified by Israel, which are applicable within territories under  its jurisdiction and subject to its effective control, including the occupied  Palestinian territory and the occupied Syrian Golan. 4.1.1  ICERD On 21 December 1965, the UN General Assembly adopted ICERD, which  expressly prohibits apartheid as a matter of international human rights law.  As held by the Convention’s treaty body, CERD, in 2006, the prohibition  ‘was strongly influenced by the cruel, inhuman and degrading effects of  apartheid’ in South Africa.218 In its Preamble, states parties to ICERD  expressed that they were: Alarmed by manifestations of racial discrimination still in evidence  in some areas of the world and by governmental policies based  on racial superiority or hatred, such as policies of apartheid,  segregation or separation.219 Critically, Article 3 of ICERD enshrined that: States Parties particularly condemn racial segregation and  apartheid and undertake to prevent, prohibit and eradicate all  216  Articles 1(3) and 55, UN Charter; Max Du Plessis, ‘International Criminal Law: The Crime of Apartheid  Revisited Recent Cases’ (2011) 24 South African Journal of Criminal Justice 417. 217  Article 2, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 10 December 1948, UN Doc 217A (III) (hereinafter  ‘UDHR’).  218  CERD, Concluding observations of the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination on  the initial to third periodic reports of South Africa, 19 October 2006, UN Doc CERD/C/ZAF/CO/319,  para 2. 219  Preamble, ICERD. ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ60practices of this nature in territories under their jurisdiction.220 While ICERD does not define apartheid, it prohibits this practice and imposes  an obligation on all states parties to eradicate apartheid ‘in territories  under their jurisdiction.’ Accordingly, the Convention is applicable with  respect of Israeli laws, policies, and practices of racial discrimination,  racial segregation, and apartheid on both sides of the Green Line. CERD  has repeatedly affirmed that the territories under Israel’s jurisdiction  and effective control, where the Convention applies, include not only the  territory inside the Green Line but also the territories occupied since 1967.221 At the same time, the prohibition of apartheid under ICERD, and the  obligation to eradicate this practice, is applicable with respect not only of  Palestinians living in historic Palestine, but also to those Palestinians in exile  denied their right of return. States have an obligation under Article 5 of  ICERD to ensure that ‘[a]ll… refugees and displaced persons have the right  to freely return to their homes of origin under conditions of safety’222 and  that ‘[a]ll such refugees and displaced persons have, after their return to  their homes of origin, the right to have restored to them property of which  they were deprived in the course of the conflict and to be compensated  appropriately for any such property that cannot be restored to them.’223  This is relevant in the Palestinian context in view of the Israeli Law of Return  (1950), which grants ‘Every Jew… the right to come to this country’224 and  to settle therein, while excluding Palestinians, notably Palestinian refugees  and exiles, from exercising their right of return. This is why CERD has  urged Israel to rescind racially discriminatory laws and to guarantee the  right of return of Palestinian refugees and displaced persons in line with  220  Article 3, ICERD; note also Preamble, Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination  against Women (adopted 18 December 1979, entry into force 3 September 1981) 1249 UNTS 13. 221  CERD, Concluding observations on Israel 2019, paras 9-10. 222  CERD, General Recommendation 22, Article 5 and refugees and displaced persons, 49th session  (1996), UN Doc A/51/18, annex VIII, p 126, para 2(a). 223  Ibid , para 2(c). 224  Article 1, Law of Return 5710-1950, 5 July 1950 (hereinafter ‘Law of Return 1950’). Constructing Apartheid AL-HAQ61Article 5(d)(ii) of ICERD.225 The Coalition considers that the prohibition of  apartheid under ICERD is binding on Israel with respect of its treatment of  the Palestinian people as a whole. 4.1.2  The Apartheid Convention The first classification of apartheid as an international crime in a binding  international treaty is found in the 1968 Convention on the Non-Applicability  of Statutory Limitations to War Crimes and Crimes against Humanity,  according to which no statutory limitations shall apply to ‘inhuman acts  resulting from the policy of apartheid.’226 On 30 November 1973, the  General Assembly adopted the Apartheid Convention in Resolution 3068  (XXVIII).227 Article II of the Convention, which enshrines the most detailed  definition of the crime of apartheid to date,228 reads: The term “the crime of apartheid”, which shall include similar  policies and practices of racial segregation and discrimination as  practised in southern Africa, shall apply to the following inhuman  acts committed for the purpose of establishing and maintaining  domination by one racial group of persons over any other racial  group of persons and systematically oppressing them: a. Denial to a member or members of a racial group or groups of  the right to life and liberty of person:  (i)  By murder of members of a racial group or groups;  (ii) By the infliction upon the members of a racial group or  groups of serious bodily or mental harm, by the infringement  of their freedom or dignity, or by subjecting them to torture  or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment; 225  CERD, Concluding observations on Israel 2019, paras 15-16; UN CERD, Concluding observations of  the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, Israel, UN Doc CERD/C/304/Add.45, 30  March 1998, para 18; UN CERD, Concluding observations of the Committee on the Elimination of  Racial Discrimination, Israel, UN Doc CERD/C/ISR/CO/13, 14 June 2007, para 18. 226  Article I, Convention on the Non-Applicability of Statutory Limitations to War Crimes and  Crimes Against Humanity  (adopted 26 November 1968, entry into force 11 November 1970) A/ RES/2391(XXIII). 227  UN General Assembly, Resolution 3068 (XXVIII), 30 November 1973, A/RES/3068(XXVIII). 228  ESCWA Report, 12. ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ62 (iii) By arbitrary arrest and illegal imprisonment of the members  of a racial group or groups; b. Deliberate imposition on a racial group or groups of living  conditions calculated to cause its or their physical destruction  in whole or in part; c. Any legislative measures and other measures calculated to  prevent a racial group or groups from participation in the  political, social, economic and cultural life of the country  and the deliberate creation of conditions preventing the  full development of such a group or groups, in particular by  denying to members of a racial group or groups basic human  rights and freedoms, including the right to work, the right  to form recognized trade unions, the right to education, the  right to leave and to return to their country, the right to a  nationality, the right to freedom of movement and residence,  the right to freedom of opinion and expression, and the right  to freedom of peaceful assembly and association; d. Any measures including legislative measures, designed to  divide the population along racial lines by the creation of  separate reserves and ghettos for the members of a racial  group or groups, the prohibition of mixed marriages among  members of various racial groups, the expropriation of landed  property belonging to a racial group or groups or to members  thereof; e. Exploitation of the labour of the members of a racial group  or groups, in particular by submitting them to forced labour; f. Persecution of organizations and persons, by depriving them  of fundamental rights and freedoms, because they oppose  apartheid.229 In addition to its detailed definition of the crime,230 the Apartheid Convention  establishes individual criminal responsibility for ‘individuals, members  229  Article II, Apartheid Convention. 230  ESCWA Report, 12. Constructing Apartheid AL-HAQ63of organizations and institutions and representatives of the State’ who  ‘commit, participate in, directly incite or conspire in the commission of the  acts mentioned in article II’ as well as those who ‘[d]irectly abet, encourage  or co-operate in the commission of the crime.’231 Under the Convention,  individual criminal responsibility shall apply whether the perpetrator is  ‘residing in the territory of the State in which the acts are perpetrated or in  some other State’ and ‘irrespective of the motive involved.’232 The definition  also emphasizes necessity of intent to establish or maintain domination by  one racial group over another.233 Once this intention has been established  on the systemic level no further interrogation is necessary for the specific,  individual intention of those involved.234 The Apartheid Convention  requires that all organisations, institutions, and individuals involved in the  commission of the crime of apartheid be declared as criminal.235 Finally,  the Convention provides for universal jurisdiction as a means to prosecute  perpetrators of the crime of apartheid, including non-nationals, in the  courts  of  states  parties.236 Because of its expansive scope and establishment of universal jurisdiction  for the crime of apartheid, a majority of Western states have to date  refused to ratify the Apartheid Convention due to the broad nature  of the criminality it enshrines237 as a result of which, Carola Lingaas  writes, ‘several states… feared indictment for aiding and abetting the  231  Articles III(a) and (b), Apartheid Convention. 232  Article III, Apartheid Convention. 233  Miles Jackson, ‘The Definition of Apartheid in Customary International Law and the International  Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination’ (2022) 71(4) International &  Comparative Law Quarterly 831, 847-849. 234  Article III, Apartheid Convention. 235  Article I(2), Apartheid Convention. 236  Article V, Apartheid Convention. 237  Adriaan Barnard, ‘Slegs Suid Afrikaners – South Africans Only – A Review and Evaluation of the  International Crime of Apartheid’ (2009) 7 New Zealand Journal of Public and International Law  317, 352; Paul Eden, ‘The Role of the Rome Statute in the Criminalization of Apartheid’ (2014) 12  Journal of International Criminal Justice 171, 179; Max Du Plessis, ‘International Criminal Law: The  Crime of Apartheid Revisited Recent Cases’ (2011) 24 South African Journal of Criminal Justice 417,  421-422. ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ64South African regime.’238 While South Africa itself has not yet ratified  the Apartheid Convention, it has in the past year begun the process of  ratifying the Convention.239 Such a step would lend important political  recognition of the continued relevance of the Apartheid Convention  today. As of November 2022, the Apartheid Convention counts 110 states  parties.240 While the reference to policies of apartheid ‘as practised in southern Africa’  has led some to question the applicability of the Convention to other  contexts, international treaties are not generally adopted with a specific  context in mind.241 Notwithstanding the reference to apartheid in southern  Africa, the criminalisation of apartheid in the Apartheid Convention  is intended to be universal in scope.242 Such a view is supported by the  practice of CERD, which observed in its General Recommendation XIX of  1995 on the prevention, prohibition, and eradication of racial segregation  and apartheid that: The reference to apartheid [in Article 3 of ICERD] may have been  directed exclusively to South Africa, but the article as adopted  prohibits all forms of racial segregation in all countries.243 Similarly, the International Law Commission (ILC) considers the prohibition  of apartheid to constitute a jus cogens norm of customary international  238  Carola Lingaas, ‘The Crime against Humanity of Apartheid in a Post-Apartheid World’ (2015) 2 Oslo  Law Review 86, 88-89. 239  SA News, ‘Cabinet approves UN ICERD periodic report’ (26 February 2021) ; SA News, ‘National Assembly  approves four Bills’ (8 September 2022)  . 240  UNTC, International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid  (30 November 1973) . 241  Adriaan Barnard, ‘Slegs Suid Afrikaners,’ 358. 242  On the evolution of the crime of apartheid see ibid. ; Du Plessis, ‘International Criminal Law: The  Crime of Apartheid’; Alexander Zahar, ‘Apartheid as an International Crime’ in Antonio Cassese  (ed), The Oxford Companion to International Criminal Justice  (Oxford University Press 2009);  Ronald C Slye, ‘Apartheid as a Crime against Humanity: A Submission to the South African Truth  and Reconciliation Commission’ (1998) 20 Michigan Journal of International Law 267. 243  CERD, General Recommendation 19, The prevention, prohibition and eradication of racial  segregation and apartheid (1995), UN Doc A/50/18, at 140, para 1. Constructing Apartheid AL-HAQ65law, giving rise to obligations erga omnes.244 It can thus be concluded that  the prohibition of apartheid in international law, inclusive of international  human rights law and international criminal law, was not limited to the  context in South Africa and Namibia. 4.1.3   The Rome Statute The Rome Statute codifies apartheid as a crime against humanity entailing  individual criminal responsibility in Article 7(1)(j) and provides a definition  of the crime in Article 7(2)(h), as involving: Inhumane acts… committed in the context of an institutionalized  regime of systematic oppression and domination by one racial  group over any other racial group or groups and committed with  the intention of maintaining that regime.245 Like the Apartheid Convention, the articulation of the crime of apartheid  under the Rome Statute focuses on the institutionalised, systematic, and  oppressive character of the regime. However, some crucial distinctions can  be observed. Firstly, the potential inhumane acts of apartheid enumerated  in the Rome Statute are not as broad as the inhuman acts set out in the  Apartheid Convention, although there is some overlap. An obvious omission  in the Rome Statute is the silencing and targeting of those individuals and  organisations seeking to oppose the apartheid system.246 Secondly, the apartheid definition in the Rome Statute is considerably more  onerous in its contextual element. For inhumane acts to be prosecuted  as apartheid by the ICC they must be ‘committed in the context of an  institutionalized regime of systematic oppression and domination,’ with  the added requirement that there be a specific intention to maintain that  regime. This can be compared with the construction in the Apartheid  Convention, which includes inhuman acts committed ‘for the purpose of  establishing’ racial domination, not simply acts committed after domination  244  Dugard and Reynolds, ‘Apartheid’; Du Plessis, ‘International Criminal Law: The Crime of Apartheid’  417; ILC, Draft Articles on State Responsibility; Slye, ‘Apartheid as a Crime against Humanity.’ 245  Article 7(2)(h), Rome Statute. 246  Article II(f), Apartheid Convention. ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ66has been established. For the Apartheid Convention, all that is required is  that the intention behind the inhuman acts is to set about constructing a  system of racial domination and oppression. Although the Rome Statute definition is considerably narrower than that  found in the Apartheid Convention,247 it must be stressed that this does  not result in a narrowing of the concept in general international law nor  elsewhere in international criminal law.248 Like the Apartheid Convention,  the articulation of the crime of apartheid under the Rome Statute focuses  on the institutionalised, systematic, and oppressive character of the regime.  In any event, in the Palestinian context, as demonstrated below, it is clear  that an institutionalised regime of racial domination and oppression has  already existed for decades. To date, no international or national court has ever prosecuted an individual  for the crime of apartheid. However, the ICC’s Office of the Prosecutor has  previously acknowledged receipt of allegations of the commission of the  crime of apartheid in Palestine.249 The opening of the ICC’s investigation  into the Situation in Palestine on 3 March 2021 and growing international  recognition of Israeli apartheid mean that the ongoing ICC investigation  represents an important judicial avenue for the investigation and  prosecution of the crime of apartheid in Palestine.250 The Coalition thus  urges the ICC Prosecutor to investigate suspected perpetrators of the crime  of apartheid, among other international crimes committed in Palestine, as  a first step toward challenging Israeli impunity. 247  Noura Erakat and John Reynolds discuss this narrowing as part of ‘[t]he ascendance of the liberal  understanding of apartheid’ in Noura Erakat and John Reynolds, ‘Understanding Apartheid’ (Jewish  Currents, 1 November 2022) . 248  Jackson, ‘The Definition of Apartheid,’ 854-844. 249  ICC’s Office of The Prosecutor, Report on Preliminary Examination Activities, 4 December 2017, para  63 . 250  See discussion in Noura Erakat and John Reynolds, ‘We Charge Apartheid? Palestine and the  International Criminal Court’ (TWAIL Review, 20 April 2021)  . Constructing Apartheid AL-HAQ674.2   Elements of the Crime against Humanity of Apartheid This report applies both definitions of the crime of apartheid, as enshrined  in the Apartheid Convention and the Rome Statute, to the plight of the  Palestinian people. These two treaties have been ratified by the State of  Palestine and are thus applicable in the occupied Palestinian territory.  While Israel has not ratified either treaty, the internationally wrongful act  of apartheid is prohibited as a principle of customary international law,  and also exists as a jus cogens norm, and is thus applicable with respect to  Israeli laws, policies, and practices. The Apartheid Convention’s definition includes ‘inhuman acts committed  for the purpose of establishing and maintaining domination by one racial  group of persons over any other racial group of persons and systematically  oppressing them’ thereby clarifying the necessity that the crime occurs  with the specific intention of creating and maintaining racial domination.251  Likewise, the Rome Statute defines the crime of apartheid as occurring ‘in  the context of an institutionalised regime of systematic oppression and  domination by one racial group over any other racial group or groups and  committed with the intention of maintaining that regime,’ presupposing  that the regime in question is already in place.252 Therefore, to meet the common threshold of the crime of apartheid  spanning the Apartheid Convention and the Rome Statute, the following  elements must exist: (1) inhuman or inhumane acts; (2) committed as part  of an institutionalised regime of systematic oppression and domination;  (3) by one racial group over any other racial group or groups; (4) with the  intention of maintaining that regime. This sub-section considers the four  elements of the crime of apartheid as they relate to Israeli laws, policies,  and practices committed against the Palestinian people. 4.2.1  Inhuman and Inhumane Acts It is important to note that under both the Apartheid Convention and  the Rome Statute, there is no requirement that all inhuman(e) acts must  251  Article II, Apartheid Convention. 252  Article 7(2)(h), Rome Statute. ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ68be committed for the elements of the crime of apartheid to be fulfilled.  As the HSRC study found, the Apartheid Convention’s list of inhuman  acts ‘is intended to be illustrative and inclusive, rather than exhaustive  or exclusive.’253 Accordingly, ‘a determination that apartheid exists does  not require that all the listed acts are practiced: for example, Article 2(b)  regarding the intended “physical destruction” of a group did not apply  generally to apartheid policy in South Africa.’254 In the case of Palestine, the  HSRC study concluded that numerous inhuman acts were satisfied, and that  ‘Israel appears clearly to be implementing and sustaining policies intended  to maintain its domination over Palestinians in the [occupied Palestinian  territory] and to suppress opposition of any form to those policies.’255 While this report builds on the HSRC study, it extends the analysis to  encompass the Palestinian people as a whole. In doing so, this report  also applies elements of the crime of apartheid as enshrined in the Rome  Statute. Under the Rome Statute ‘inhumane acts’ of the crime of apartheid  are listed under Articles 7(1)(a)-(k) of the Rome Statute as crimes against  humanity. They closely resemble those found in Article II of the Apartheid  Convention. The Rome Statute’s inhumane acts include notably: * ‘Murder;’256 * ‘Deportation or forcible transfer of population;’257 * ‘Imprisonment or other severe deprivation of physical liberty  in violation of fundamental rules of international law;’258 * ‘Torture;’259 * ‘Persecution against any identifiable group or collectively on  political, racial, national, ethnic, cultural, religious, gender… or  other grounds that are universally recognized as impermissible  under international law…;’260 253  HSRC Study, 17. 254  Ibid ., 17. 255  Ibid. , 20 (emphasis in original). 256  Article 7(1)(a), Rome Statute. 257  Article 7(1)(d), Rome Statute. 258  Article 7(1)(e), Rome Statute. 259  Article 7(1)(f), Rome Statute. 260  Article 7(1)(h), Rome Statute. Constructing Apartheid AL-HAQ69* ‘Enforced disappearance of persons;’261 * ‘Other inhumane acts of a similar character intentionally  causing great suffering, or serious injury to body or to mental  or physical health.’262 Numerous inhuman(e) acts against the Palestinian people have been  documented and reported over the years. Palestinian human rights  organisations have documented the following inhuman(e) acts, among  others, committed by the Israeli authorities against the Palestinian people: * Murder;263 * Forcible transfer;264 * Deportation;265 261  Article 7(1)(i), Rome Statute. 262  Article 7(1)(k), Rome Statute. 263  See, for example, discussion of the crime against humanity of murder in Al-Haq et al , Joint Urgent  Appeal to the United Nations Special Procedures on the Extrajudicial Execution and Wilful Killing  of Ahmad Erekat by the Israeli Occupying Forces on 23 June 2020  (13 July 2020) ; see also  The Palestinian Disability Coalition  et al , Joint Parallel Report to the Committee on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities for its List  of Issues on Israel’s Initial Report (24 July 2020) ;  Al-Haq, Al-Haq Sends Urgent Appeal to UN Special Procedures on the Extrajudicial Execution and  Wilful Killing of Palestinian Person with Disability Iyad Al-Hallaq (9 June 2020) ; Al-Haq, Al-Haq Refutes Israeli Army and Media Claims on the Killing of  Volunteer First Responder Sajed Mizher in Dheisheh Refugee Camp (8 April 2019) ; Adalah, Israeli police video reveals cops opened fire on Bedouin  man before his car accelerated, contradicting police claims (19 January 2017) ; Adalah, The October 2000 Killings (11 August 2020) . 264  See, for example, Al-Haq, Palestinian Human Rights Organisations Submit Evidence to the ICC  Prosecutor on Crimes Committed in West Bank (20 September 2017) ; Simon Reynolds, Coercive Environments: Israel’s Forcible Transfer of  Palestinians in the Occupied Territory (BADIL, February 2017) . 265  See, for example, PHROC et al, Joint Urgent Appeal to the United Nations Special Procedures on the  Imminent Threat of Forcible Transfer/Deportation of Salah Hammouri for “Breach of Allegiance”   (30 September 2020) ; Addameer,  Observations on Behalf of Victims (16 March 2020, ICC-01/18) ; Al-Haq et al, Omar Barghouti at Imminent Risk of Deportation as Israeli Interior  Minister Initiates Proceedings to Punitively Revoke his Residency Status (4 November 2019) ; Addameer and BADIL, Deportation as Policy: Palestinian  Prisoners & Detainees in Israeli Detention (17 April 2016) ; Al-Haq, Six Human Rights  Organisations Submit an Urgent Appeal to UN Special Procedures on Israel’s Imminent Deportation of  Palestinian Jerusalemite (26 April 2019) . ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ70* Arbitrary detention and arrests;266 * Torture and other ill-treatment;267 * Persecution;268 * Enforced disappearance;269 and * Other inhumane acts, notably causing serious injury to body  or to mental or physical health.270 Critically, these inhuman(e) acts do not stop at the Green Line, given  the continuity of policies and practices of, inter alia, murder, arbitrary  detention, denial of family unification, expropriation of landed property,  and deportation.271 Additionally, Palestinian refugees continue to be denied  their right of return contrary to Article II(c) of the Apartheid Convention and,  as the ICC’s Pre-Trial Chamber I found in relation to the denial of the right  of return of Rohingya refugees, this denial may constitute a crime against  266  See, for example, Addameer, Annual Violations Report 2019  (2020) ; Adalah, Adalah demands Israeli police end mass arrests of Palestinian citizens (27  May 2021) ; Al-Haq, Israeli Occupying Forces  Violate the Right to Life of Mr Omar As’ad, an 80-year-old Man from Jaljiliyya (18 January 2022)  . 267  See, notably, Addameer, Addameer Collects Hard Evidence on Torture and Ill-Treatment Committed  against Palestinian Detainees at Israeli Interrogation Centers (23 December 2019) ; Adalah, What happened in the ‘torture room’ at Israel’s police station in  Nazareth? (7 June 2021) ; Al Mezan, The  Torture and Abuse of Children Fleeing Gaza’s Humanitarian Catastrophe (26 October 2020) . 268  See Al Mezan et al , Palestinian Human Rights Organizations & Victims’ Communication to the ICC  on the Illegal Closure of the Gaza Strip: Persecution and Other Inhumane Acts Perpetrated against  the Civilian Population as Crimes against Humanity  (23 November 2016) . 269  See, notably, Al-Haq, Al-Haq Sends Urgent Appeal to UN Special Procedures on the Enforced  Disappearance of Saleh Omar Barghouthi (27 December 2018) ; Al-Haq, United Nations Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary  Disappearances Sends Response to Al-Haq on the Case of Saleh Barghouthi (31 December 2018)  . 270  See, e.g., Al-Haq, Israel Deliberately Injures and Maims Palestinian Civilians, Prevents Evacuation of  Wounded, and Denies Access to Vital Healthcare Facilities Outside the Gaza Strip (18 April 2018)  ; Nidal Alazza (ed), Excessive Use of  Force by the Israeli Army: Case Study (BADIL, April 2017) ; Al Mezan et al, Palestinian  Human Rights Organizations & Victims’ Communication to the ICC on the Illegal Closure of the Gaza  Strip: Persecution and Other Inhumane Acts Perpetrated against the Civilian Population as Crimes  against Humanity (23 November 2016) . 271  Muhareb, ‘Apartheid, the Green Line, and the Need to Overcome Palestinian Fragmentation.’ Constructing Apartheid AL-HAQ71humanity.272 Thus, the Coalition argues that the element of inhuman(e) acts  of the crime against humanity of apartheid is satisfied with respect of the  Palestinian people as a whole. 4.2.2   Institutionalised Regime Acts illustrative of apartheid must take place within the context of a  wider policy273 of an institutionalised regime of systematic oppression and  domination. The framework of crimes against humanity requires that the  underlying acts be ‘committed as part of a widespread or systematic attack  directed against any civilian population, with knowledge of the attack.’274  The ICC’s Elements of Crimes clarify: The last two elements for each crime against humanity describe  the context in which the conduct must take place. These  elements clarify the requisite participation in and knowledge of  a widespread or systematic attack against a civilian population.  However, the last element should not be interpreted as requiring  proof that the perpetrator had knowledge of all characteristics  of the attack or the precise details of the plan or policy of the  State or organization. In the case of an emerging widespread  or systematic attack against a civilian population, the intent  clause of the last element indicates that this mental element is  satisfied if the perpetrator intended to further such an attack.275 With reference to the crime of apartheid, the ICC’s Elements of Crimes list  the following elements: 1. The perpetrator committed an inhumane act against one or more  persons. 2.  Such act was an act referred to in article 7, paragraph 1, of the  272  See PTC I, Decision on the “Prosecution’s Request for a Ruling on Jurisdiction under Article 19(3)  of the Statute” (6 September 2018) ICC-RoC46(3)-01/18, para 77; Michael G Kearney, ‘The Denial  of the Right of Return as a Rome Statute Crime’ (2020) 18(4) Journal of International Criminal  Justice 985; see also  Clancy and Muhareb, ‘Putting the International Criminal Court’s Palestine  Investigation into Context.’ 273  ICC, Elements of Crimes  (2011) 5. 274  Article 7(1), Rome Statute. 275  ICC, Elements of Crimes  (2011) 5. ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ72Statute, or was an act of a character similar to any of those acts. 3.  The perpetrator was aware of the factual circumstances that  established the character of the act. 4.  The conduct was committed in the context of an institutionalized  regime of systematic oppression and domination by one racial  group over any other racial group or groups. 5.  The perpetrator intended to maintain such regime by that  conduct. 6.  The conduct was committed as part of a widespread or systematic  attack directed against a civilian population. 7.  The perpetrator knew that the conduct was part of or intended  the conduct to be part of a widespread or systematic attack  directed against a civilian population.276 The term ‘regime,’ although not defined in either the Apartheid Convention  or Rome Statute, refers to an institutional structure or system of governance.  Lingaas writes: ‘[a]n established law or practice by a government or  prevailing order is most likely the closest to a definition of an institutionalised  regime one gets.’277 The finding of apartheid requires the existence of an  institutionalised structure or system constitutive of a ‘regime,’ or in the  case of the Apartheid Convention, an attempt to establish such a structure.278  Sections 5 and 6 of this report detail Israel’s laws, policies, and practices  establishing and maintaining Zionist settler colonial domination over the  Palestinian people as part of an institutionalised regime. These are asserted  to be evidence of the existence of an institutionalised regime of domination  and oppression constitutive of the crime of apartheid against Palestinians. 276  ICC, Elements of Crimes  (2011), 12. 277  Lingaas, ‘The Crime against Humanity of Apartheid,’ 97-98. 278  Miles Jackson, ‘Expert Opinion on the Interplay between the Legal Regime Applicable to Belligerent  Occupation and the Prohibition of Apartheid under International Law’ (Diakonia , 23 March 2021),  paras 24-25  . Constructing Apartheid AL-HAQ734.2.3   Racial Groups Race has been described as a social construct,279 meaning that it emerges  from the particular local context in which it is ‘constructed.’280 Article 1(1) of  ICERD adopts a wide definition of racial discrimination as: Any distinction, exclusion, restriction or preference based on  race, colour, descent, or national or ethnic origin which has  the purpose or effect of nullifying or impairing the recognition,  enjoyment or exercise, on an equal footing, of human rights and  fundamental freedoms in the political, economic, social, cultural  or any other field of public life.281 Thus, Article 3 of ICERD prohibiting racial segregation and apartheid  encompasses discrimination based on ‘race, colour, descent, or national  or ethnic origin.’ The Apartheid Convention highlights this provision in its  Preamble.282 In the specific context of international criminal law, general  practice has been to eschew any attempt at identifying ‘race’ or other  such outdated concepts in favour of the social construction approach.283  It is therefore appropriate to adopt the same approach to the current  apartheid analysis. Therefore, the question is not whether Palestinians and Jewish Israelis are  per se  racial groups but whether their identities are racialised in the local  context. Racialisation, notably, is a tool or ‘organizing grammar’ of settler  colonialism284 and is deployed toward replacing the indigenous people(s)  on the land.285 It is therefore important to consider how Israeli laws and  279  See, for example, Carola Lingaas, The Concept of Race in International Criminal Law (Routledge  2020) 35. 280  See Michael Banton, The Idea of Race (Travistock Publications 1977); see also  Dugard and Reynolds,  ‘Apartheid, International Law,’ 885 and 889. 281  Article 1(1), ICERD. 282  Preamble, Apartheid Convention. 283  In support, see Miles Jackson, ‘The Definition of Apartheid,’ 851, citing ICTY , Prosecutor v. Radoslav  Brdjanin  (Trial Judgement), IT-99-36-T (1 September 2004), para 683-684; see also Carola Lingaas,  ‘The Elephant in the Room: The Uneasy Task of Defining ‘Racial’ in International Criminal Law’  (2015) 15 International Criminal Law Review 485. 284  Patrick Wolfe, Traces of History, 8. 285  See discussion in Muhareb and Clancy, ‘Palestine and the Meaning of Domination,’ 10-11. ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ74policies create a distinction between ‘Jewish’ and ‘non-Jewish’ persons.  The Law of Return (1950) establishes privileges for Jewish persons to  immigrate to and settle in the country as olim (Jewish settlers).286 Pursuant  to Amendment No 2 to the Law of Return of 1970, ‘[f]or the purposes  of this Law, “Jew” means a person who was born of a Jewish mother or  has become converted to Judaism and who is not a member of another  religion.’287 The 1970 Amendment to the Law of Return adds that: The rights of a Jew under this Law and the rights of an oleh [Jewish  settler] under the Citizenship Law, 5712–1952, as well as the rights  of an oleh under any other enactment, are also vested in a child and  a grandchild of a Jew, the spouse of a Jew, the spouse of a child of a  Jew and the spouse of a grandchild of a Jew, except for a person who  has been a Jew and has voluntarily changed his religion.288 Key Israeli laws, such as the Law of Return and the Citizenship Law (1952),  establish a strict distinction between Jewish and non-Jewish persons; thus,  an individual defined as Jewish, born anywhere in the world, may enter the  country as a ‘Jewish immigrant,’ settle the land, and receive Israeli citizenship  and preferential treatment because of her or his status as a Jewish person  under the law. Meanwhile, an indigenous Palestinian refugee whose family  was expelled in and around 1948 is prohibited by Israeli law from returning  to their homes, lands, and properties. Not only this, Palestinians inside the  Green Line are accorded Israeli citizenship not based on birth but on the  basis of residence in the land. Thus, the expulsion of Palestinian refugees  was supplemented with a process of denationalisation.289 While Palestinian and Jewish identities are not in and of themselves racial,  Israeli laws as well as Zionist ideology and policy categorise Jewish Israelis  and Palestinians as distinct ‘racial groups,’ according to which rights and  privileges, as well as exploitation and oppression, are determined at birth.  In this context, the racialisation of Jewish Israelis and Palestinians operates  286  Article 1, Law of Return 1950. 287  Article 4B, State of Israel, Law of Return (Amendment No 2) 5730-1970 (hereinafter ‘Law of Return  1970 Amendment’) (emphasis added). 288  Article 4A(a), Law of Return 1970 Amendment. 289  Uri Davis, Israel: An Apartheid State (Zed Books, 1987) 25-38. Constructing Apartheid AL-HAQ75as a tool to entrench the domination and oppression of Palestinians under  Zionist settler colonialism. 4.2.4   Intention of Maintaining the Regime The crime of apartheid under the Rome Statute requires the presence of an  intention to maintain the regime. Thus, it is important that any inhuman(e)  acts committed are carried out as part of an institutionalised regime by one  racial group to systemically dominate and oppress another group or groups,  and it must be shown that such acts are committed with the intention of  ensuring that this regime remains in place. The intention to maintain the domination of Jewish Israelis over Palestinians  is clearly reflected in Zionist policies of population transfer and demographic  manipulation, whereby Israel pursues the ‘Judaisation’ of the land,  dispossession of Palestinians, and manipulation of Palestine’s demography  to create a Jewish demographic majority. This report details Israeli laws,  policies, and practices that establish domination over the Palestinian people.  As will become apparent in the sections below, Palestinians are subjected  to widespread and systematic human rights violations by the Israeli  settler colonial state, amounting to inhuman(e) acts within the meaning  of the crime of apartheid. These are committed with an intention to deny  Palestinians their collective right to self-determination, through strategic  fragmentation, the denial of the right of return of Palestinian refugees and  displaced persons, freedom of movement and access restrictions, and the  exploitation of Palestinian land and other natural resources. Additionally, an examination of repressive Israeli policies and practices  targeting the Palestinian people, such as excessive use of force, denial of  the right to life, arbitrary detention, torture, collective punishment, and the  persecution of individuals and organisations opposing apartheid, shows a  clear intention on the part of the state authorities to maintain the regime by  aiming to prevent Palestinians from mounting a unified resistance against  their oppression. ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ © Al-Haq Images Library 76 Israel’s Apartheid Legal Regime AL-HAQ77 5Israel’s Apartheid Legal Regime Upon its establishment through the Nakba of 1948, Israel installed a legal  regime to legitimise and legalise its violations and  crimes committed against  the Palestinian people, thus laying the foundations of its apartheid regime.  According to Yifat Holzman-Gazit, ‘what was notable about this process of  transferring a very large percentage of the national territory from Arab to  Jewish hands was the effort and energy expended by the authorities to  construct a legal regime that would legitimize the expropriation.’290 George  Bisharat and others have observed that ‘while justice and fairness were  not present in the process of de-Arabization of the land, resort to law as  a means for executing the negation of Arab ownership rights was a prime  concern.’291 The laws adopted following 1948 were transposed as military  orders to the occupied Palestinian territory in 1967. Since 1948, Israeli  laws, policies, and practices have been designed to provide the legal basis  for Israel’s apartheid regime. Israel’s overall objective today remains the  290  Holzman-Gazit, Yifat, Land Expropriation in Israel: Law, Culture and Society, (Routledge, 2007) 105. 291  Ibid ., 105. © Al-Haq Images Library ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ78expropriation of Palestinian land and alteration of Palestine’s demography  by transferring Palestinians to expand Jewish settlement and effective  control on both sides of the Green Line. New Israeli policies and laws are  regularly adopted to achieve this objective. 5.1   The Central Task of Zionist Parastatal Institutions 5.1.1  Zionist Parastatal Institutions As clarified in the 1933 Montevideo Convention,292 the modern state is  understood to comprise: (1) a permanent population; (2) a defined territory;  (3) (institutions of) government; and (4) the ‘capacity to enter into relations  with the other states.’ Israel’s case for constituting a state is unique, however. Well before Israel’s so-called ‘Proclamation of Independence’ in 1948, the  Zionist movement’s pursuit of a state rested on first establishing proto- state institutions, before claiming to have a distinct population (people)  or defined territory. The Zionist movement then set about establishing so- called ‘national’ institutions, predominantly in the forms of the WZO, in  1897, the JNF in 1901, and the JA, in 1921. The WZO and JA then conjoined  in 1929 as the Zionist Executive.293 The founders developed and maintained a complementary division of roles  between and among these institutions so as to assume the public functions  of a ‘state in the making.’ The WZO/JA sought international recognition  as ‘public’ institutions to make way for recognition as a ‘government.’  The Zionist leadership established other similarly chartered institutions  as needed to capture and administer the other resources of the country.  The consistent WZO/JA program and strategy have pursued the population  transfer of Jewish persons to settle in Palestine for ‘agricultural colonization  based on [exclusive] Jewish labour’ and land acquisition, or ‘redeeming’  land as ‘inalienable;’ i.e., for Jewish possession ‘in perpetuity.’ To manage  the material dimensions of colonising Palestine (finance and acquisitions),  the Fifth Zionist Congress in 1901 founded the JNF as a subsidiary of the  292  Article 1, Montevideo Convention. 293  CERD Report, para 38. Israel’s Apartheid Legal Regime AL-HAQ79WZO and its eventual sister organisation, the JA. In 1905, the JNF began  purchasing lands in Palestine. The JNF assumed the task of acquiring and  administering land resources essential to the formation of a viable colony  and settler colonial state. The JNF’s charter explicitly restricts its benefits ‘whether directly or  indirectly, to those of Jewish race or descent’294 (emphasis added). Its  chartered purpose and ‘primary objective’ were—and remain—to ‘acquire  lands in Palestine’295 and to ‘promote the interests of Jews in the prescribed  region.’296 In decoding Israel’s Zionist law and policy, any reference to these  parastatal institutions in public functions means a statutory obligation to  discriminate against all others. The JNF charter also stipulates that, ‘upon  [its] dissolution…any properties whatsoever…shall be transferred to the  Government of Israel,’297 further affirming its public and state functions. The close working relationship of the WZO/JA and JNF to the British mandate  administration emerged as a ‘shadow government’ in Palestine,298 leading  up to Israel’s 1948 ‘Proclamation of Independence.’ Those specialised  settler colonial, apartheid, and population transfer institutions were soon  fused to the Israeli settler colonial state by a series of legislative acts of the  Israeli parliament (the Knesset), including: * WZO-JA (Status) Law (1952); * Keren Kayemet Le-Israel [JNF] Law (1953); * Covenant with Zionist Executive (1954, amended 1971); * Basic Law: Israel Lands [People’s Lands] (1960); * Agricultural Settlement Law (1967). The WZO/JA and the JNF remain pillars of Israel’s discriminatory systems of  294  That is ‘to purchase, acquire on lease, or in exchange, or receive on lease or otherwise, lands,  forests, rights of possession, easements and any similar rights, as well as immovable properties  of any class…for the purpose of settling Jews on such lands and properties’; Article 3(iii), JNF  Memorandum of Association (1952). 295  Article 3(a), JNF Memorandum of Association (1901), and Article 3(i), JNF Memorandum of  Association (1953). 296  Ibid ., Article 3(g) and Article 3(vii), respectively. 297  Ibid ., Article 6. 298  Mallison and Mallison, The Palestine Problem,  98-101. ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ80housing, urban planning and development, and land administration. They  advise, draft, promote, and implement laws and policies that discriminate— not always explicitly, but with deference to their discriminatory charters— against the indigenous Palestinian people, whether inside historic Palestine  or in exile where today’s approximately eight million Palestinian refugees and  displaced persons remain dispersed and dispossessed. In 1952, the Knesset adopted the WZO-JA (Status) Law (hereinafter ‘Status  Law’),299 which authorises the WZO, JA, and affiliates to function in Israel as  quasi-governmental entities. The Law states for its purposes that the WZO,  operating also as the JA, continues to manage Jewish colonial settlement  projects in the state. It authorises it to develop and settle Jews in the  country and to coordinate with Jewish institutions and organisations active  in those fields. The Status Law also establishes that their joint operations  under a conjoined Zionist Executive constitute ‘[t]he mission of gathering in  the exiles [sic]… the central task of the State of Israel.’ 5.1.2   Apartheid and Settler Colonial Charters Since their founding, these proto-state and now, parastatal, institutions have  built on the ideological foundation, expressed in their respective charters,  that persons of Jewish faith constitute a separate ‘Jewish nationality’300  defined in ‘racial’ supremacy terms with correspondingly exclusive control  of, and benefit from the resources of Palestine. Israeli legislation, deferring  to principles of the JA, for example, triggers the condition of only benefitting  Jews as natural persons holding this superior ‘nationality’ status. Through  these institutions’ extraterritorial operations, Israel imposes this status,  distinct from Israeli citizenship, on persons of Jewish faith who are citizens  of states other than Israel. Meanwhile, this supposed ‘Jewish nationality’  status entitles each member to automatic citizenship in Israel upon arrival  in Palestine (except in certain cases of criminal conviction or apostacy). 299  WZO-JA (Status) Law 5713-1952 (hereinafter ‘Status Law’). 300  See generally, W T Mallison, Jr, ‘The Zionist-Israel Juridical Claims to Constitute “the Jewish People”  Nationality and to Confer Membership in It: Appraisal in Public International Law’ (1963) 32 The  George Washington Law Review 983. Israel’s Apartheid Legal Regime AL-HAQ81The Status Law authorises the WZO, JA, and their affiliates to function  in areas under Israel’s effective control—which, since 1967, include the  occupied Palestinian territory and the occupied Syrian Golan—as quasi- governmental entities.301 The Law states for its purposes that the WZO,  operating also as the JA, continues to manage Jewish settlement projects  in the state and authorises it to develop and settle ‘Jewish nationals’ in the  country and to coordinate with Jewish institutions and organisations active  in those fields. Israel’s parastatal institutions, notably the WZO, JA, and the JNF, are  chartered to carry out material discrimination against non-Jewish persons  and have historically prevented the Palestinian people on both sides of  the Green Line from accessing or exercising control over their means of  subsistence, including their natural wealth and resources, by exploiting and  diverting these for the benefit of Jewish Israeli settlers. These institutions  play a key role in Israel’s apartheid regime over the Palestinian people, its  demographic manipulation, population transfer, and the colonisation of  Palestinian land through Jewish settlement, with their principal task being  ‘to work actively to build and maintain Israel as a Jewish State, particularly  through immigration policy.’302 In 1998, the UN Committee on Economic,  Social and Cultural Rights (CESCR) held that the ‘large-scale and systematic  confiscation of Palestinian land and property by the State and the transfer  of that property to these [Zionist] agencies constitute an institutionalized  form of discrimination because these agencies by definition would deny the  use of these properties to non-Jews.’303 All three of these sister apartheid institutions also operate extraterritorially,  registered as tax-exempt ‘charities’ in some 50 countries around the world.304  301  Status Law. 302  ESCWA Report, 35. 303  CESCR, Concluding observations of the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights on  Israel’s initial report, 4 December 1998, E/C.12/1/Add.27, para 11. 304  Argentina, Australia, Austria, Belgium, Belarus, Bolivia, Brazil, Bulgaria, Canada, Chile, Colombia,  Costa Rica, Curacao, Czech Republic, Denmark, Ecuador, El Salvador, Finland, France, Germany,  Greece, Honduras, Hong Kong, Hungary, Ireland, Israel, Italy, Latvia, Luxembourg, Mexico, Moldova,  Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, Poland, Russian Federation, South  Africa, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Turkey, Ukraine, United Kingdom, United States of America,  Uruguay, Uzbekistan and Venezuela. See Jewish Agency for Israel Yellow Pages .  ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ82Shortly after anti-Zionist rabbis in the United States successfully challenged  the WZO’s claim to non-governmental charity status in that country,305 the  1970 Zionist Congress resolved to rebrand itself and created a territorial  division of labour between the two entities, at least nominally, with the JA  determining development inside the Green Line and the WZO colonising  the occupied Palestinian territory and occupied Syrian Golan. The JNF  supports both operations.306 The Israeli state, its laws, and organs formally  defer to Zionist parastatal institutions in all matters of legislation and policy  affecting development, commerce, agriculture, access to and control over  natural resources, urban planning, and civil matters.307 Thus, the granting  of quasi-governmental status to Zionist institutions forms part and parcel  of the institutionalisation of Israel’s apartheid regime over the Palestinian  people, wherever they reside. Other such apartheid-chartered institutions include the Histadrut trade-union  conglomerate (1920), managing (Jewish) labour resources,308 and Mekorot,  formed in 1937 by Histadrut, the JNF, and the JA, to govern water resources  with the same discriminatory purpose and effect. Histadrut, in turn, also  founded the Haganah, the Zionist militia group in 1920, later to become the  Israeli armed forces, and Mapai, the Israeli Labour Party in 1930.309 The most evident example of Israel’s exploitation of natural resources is  its discriminatory control and allocation of Palestine’s water resources. In  1937, Histadrut, JA, and JNF collaborated to establish the Israeli publicly  owned Mekorot organisation, which practices Jewish-only privilege over  305  American Council for Judaism v. United States Department of Justice , Superior Court, 9th District,  Washington DC, 1968; for further information , see W Thomas Mallison, ‘The Legal Problems  Concerning the Juridical Status and Political Activities of the World Zionist Organization / Jewish  Agency: A Study in International and United States Law’ (1967) 9(3) William and Mary Law Review i. 306  David Blougrund, ‘The Jewish National Fund’ (2001) 49 Policy Studies 1. 307  CERD Report, para 39. 308  Formally known as the General Confederation of Hebrew Labour. From its inception, Histadrut  excluded Arab labour and, thus, rejected worker solidarity in favor of national exclusivism; see Tony  Greenstein, ‘Histradrut - Israel’s racist union’ (Electronic Intifada, 10 March 2009), ; William Frankel,  Israel Observed: An Anatomy of the State (Thames and Hudson, 1980) 183-86.  309  Zeev Sternhell, Founding Myths of Zionism: Nationalism, Socialism, and the Making of the Jewish  State (trs. David Maisel, Princeton University Press, 1998) 180. Israel’s Apartheid Legal Regime AL-HAQ83the country’s water resources.310 After the proclamation of the Israeli state,  Mekorot (Israel National Water Co.) was joined in 1951 by the Tahal Group,  combining the efforts of the Israeli Agriculture Ministry with Mekorot’s  engineering division in 1952. This implementation agency today operates  with majority shares (52 per cent) held by the Israeli government, with the  remainder divided equally between the JA and JNF. The apartheid charters of Zionist parastatal institutions have been  incorporated into Israeli laws, policies, and practices. They have been  deployed to displace and dispossess the indigenous Palestinian people,  denying Palestinians the exercise of their right to self-determination,  including permanent sovereignty over natural resources, and thus denying  them their means of subsistence as a people.311 This configuration of Zionist  parastatal institutions ensures superior status of ‘Jewish nationals’ in the  enjoyment of fundamental rights and freedoms, including the human  right to water and sanitation. Beyond revoking the explicitly or implicitly  discriminatory provisions in the charters of Zionist institutions, Israel should  repurpose its Zionist parastatal institutions to apply their population- transfer and development expertise, assets, and programmes to implement  full reparations for the Palestinian people by applying the UN reparations  framework provided in General Assembly Resolution 60/147, comprising  ‘restitution, compensation, rehabilitation, satisfaction and guarantees of  non-repetition’ for ‘victims of gross violations of international human rights  law and serious violations of international humanitarian law.’312 310  See, Al-Haq, Water For One People Only: Discriminatory Access and ‘Water-Apartheid’ in the OPT (8  April 2013) 35  311  Amy Teibel, ‘Lawsuit brings murky West Bank land deals to light’ (Associated Press , 20 June 2009)  ; in 2014, the Settlement Division received 130m NIS (US$34.7m) from Israel, see Nimrod  Bousso, ‘Israel to Allocate $35m to World Zionist Organization’s Settlement Division’ (Haaretz, 23  October 2014) . 312  UN General Assembly, Resolution 60/147, UN Doc A/RES/60/147, 21 March 2006, para 18. ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ845.2   Nationality, Citizenship, and Residency Rights Since 1948, Israel has entrenched its apartheid regime through laws, policies,  and practices in two main domains: land and nationality. With the start of  the Nakba in 1948, around 80 per cent of the Palestinian people became  refugees, dispossessed of their land and property and displaced to the  West Bank, including the eastern part of Jerusalem, the Gaza Strip, and  neighbouring countries. The Palestinian people have endured an ongoing  cycle of displacement and denial of return ever since, with a second wave  of mass displacement following the 1967 war and Israel’s ongoing policy  of population transfer.313 By the end of 2018, approximately 8.7 million  Palestinians314 had been displaced, both within historic Palestine and abroad.  Today, some 5.7 million Palestinian refugees are registered with UNRWA.315 Once domination was established through military conquest, occupation,  and the extension of Zionist colonisation, the Israeli regime adopted a  series of instrumental laws and related policies and practices pertaining  to nationality, residency, and immigration to rationalise the displacement,  dispossession, and transfer of the indigenous Palestinian people from their  ancestral lands.316 Israeli laws pertaining to immigration and citizenship  establish two separate and unequal legal categories for ‘Jews’ and ‘non- Jews,’317 in which Jews are prioritised, privileged, and receive preferential  treatment, while indigenous Palestinians are further dispossessed of their  lands and properties and face ongoing oppression.  313  BADIL, Q and A: What you need to know about Palestinian Refugees and Internally Displaced  Persons (March 2020) 15-16 . 314  Ibid ., 16. 315  UNRWA, ‘UNRWA in Figures 2020-2021’ (6 September 2021) . 316  Baptiste Sellier, ‘L’usage du droit foncier par l’État d’Israël comme arme d’appropriation de l’espace  Palestinien : Quelle comparaison avec l’ Algérie Coloniale ?’ 1 . 317  Uri Davis, Israel: An Apartheid State (Zed Books, 1987) 26-38. Israel’s Apartheid Legal Regime AL-HAQ855.2.1  Constructing a Superior ‘Jewish Nationality’ Status The Law of Return (1950)318 is the cornerstone of Israel’s apartheid regime  over the Palestinian people. It grants every Jewish person the exclusive  right as an oleh (‘Jewish immigrant’) to enter and settle the land of historic  Palestine. Since 1950, this law has been the basis for the immigration  thereto of Jewish persons born anywhere in the world. The Law of Return is  applicable exclusively to Jewish persons and cements the existence of two  separate legal categories for ‘Jewish’ and ‘non-Jewish’ persons. Through  incorporation of Zionist ideology into Israeli law, Israel thereby established a  superior status for ‘Jewish nationals’ that is distinct from citizenship. In stark  contrast, Palestinian refugees, whether living in the occupied Palestinian  territory or abroad, are categorically denied their right of return. The Law of Return ‘assigns the right for “Jewish nationality” to every Jewish  individual anywhere in the world,’ as BADIL has noted.319 The public law  notion of ‘Jewish nationality’ is an extraterritorial concept. It encompasses  Jewish persons with the citizenship of other states. This concept forms  the core of Zionist ideology that claims that all Jewish persons belong to  a separate ‘Jewish nation’ and, as a result, owe ‘allegiance’ to the Israeli  state and hold exclusive rights to settle the land of Palestine. This status,  according to Israeli law, is conferred upon birth to any Jewish person in the  world. In a challenge to this notion by the American Council for Judaism,  the United States Department of State rejected the notion of ‘Jewish  nationality’ as a concept of international law already in the 1960s.320 In 1952, the Knesset adopted the Citizenship Law,321 which is often  deceptively mistranslated as a ‘law of nationality,’ creating confusion  318  The Law of Return, 1950.  319  BADIL, Forced Population Transfer: The Case of Palestine – Denial of Residency Working Paper  No. 16 (April 2014) 10 . 320  Letter of United States Assistant Secretary of State Phillip Talbot to the American Council for  Judaism’s Executive Vice-President Rabbi Elmer Berger, 20 April 1964, reprinted in W. Thomas  Mallison, Jr., ‘The Zionist-Israel juridical claims to constitute the `Jewish people’ entity and to confer  membership in it: appraisal in public international law’ (1964) 32(5) The George Washington Law  983, 1075. 321  Citizenship Law (5712-1952). ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ86and deflecting attention from the important distinction between these  two kinds of status in Zionist policy. Israel’s Citizenship Law recognises  ‘return’ as one pathway to Israeli citizenship. However, this pathway is  unique to Jewish persons, defined as persons born to a Jewish mother or,  in rare cases, who have converted to Judaism. The Citizenship Law sets  out three other ways to become an Israeli citizen: by birth, marriage, or  residency. However, because of the superior status of ‘Jewish nationality,’  citizenship is not and has never been a basis for equal rights in the Israeli  legal system.322 Thus, the Citizenship Law entrenches Israel’s separate  and unequal apartheid regime into Israeli law. Moreover, the Citizenship  Law nullified the British mandate-era 1925 Palestinian Citizenship Order- in-Council that created the legal status of Palestinian citizenship in  mandatory Palestine. As Tatour argued, ‘Israel’s decision to discontinue  Palestinian citizenship was an act affirming Jewish independence and  proclaiming sovereignty… an act of erasure.’323 The Citizenship Law confers automatic Israeli citizenship by birth to any  Jewish person born anywhere in the world, who enters Israeli-controlled  territory under the Law of Return. It grants Jewish persons the right to settle  in any part of the territory under Israeli jurisdiction or effective control,  including the occupied Palestinian territory and the occupied Syrian Golan.  Since the start of its occupation, the Law of Return has been used by the  Israeli regime to extend the same benefits and privileges to Jewish settlers  illegally residing in the territories occupied since 1967, who are considered  ‘residents of Israel’ or are entitled to ‘immigrate’ under the Law of Return. In turn, Palestinian rights or rather the denial thereof is justified under  Israeli law on the basis of residency (or failure to prove residency) in the  country. It is through this mechanism that millions of Palestinians who  became refugees in and around 1948 have been legally denationalised  and, through prevention of their right of return, denied residency in the  country and barred from obtaining legal status in their homeland. Through  322  Roselle Tekiner, ‘Race and the Issue of National Identity in Israel’ (1991) 23(1) International Journal  of Middle Eastern Studies 39-55. 323  Tatour, ‘Citizenship as Domination: Settler Colonialism and the Making of Palestinian Citizenship in  Israel’ (3 December 2019) 18 . Israel’s Apartheid Legal Regime AL-HAQ87its discriminatory application to the benefit of ‘Jewish nationals,’ the  Citizenship Law has precluded Palestinians who were displaced from or  otherwise residing outside of historic Palestine between 1948 and 1952  (i.e., ‘absentees’) from obtaining Israeli citizenship.324 In essence, the  Citizenship Law and related laws and policies, as Tatour argues, ‘function  as the legal embodiment of wider processes of settler indigenization and  native de-indigenization, in which “settlers and their polity appear to be  proper to the land” and natives become foreign invaders.’325 These and similar laws empower the Israeli regime to manage and  manipulate the demographics in the territories under its effective control in  favour of Jewish settlement, while denying the realisation of the inalienable  rights of the Palestinian people, including Palestinian refugees and their  descendants. Jewish nationals are accorded full rights and privileges under  Israeli law, including to bring their spouses into the country. In this way,  the constructed legal concept of ‘Jewish nationality’ operates through the  inclusion of persons identified as superior and the exclusion of everyone  else, particularly targeting the indigenous Palestinian people. In 2018, the Knesset adopted the Basic Law: Israel—The Nation-State of  the Jewish People (hereinafter ‘Jewish Nation-State Basic Law’).326 The law  exemplifies the apartheid nature of Israel’s legal system. It reaffirms the  Zionist character of the Israeli state and further elevates the privileged  status of Jewish persons therein, whether or not they hold Israeli citizenship.  Through its articulation of the state’s character as ‘exclusively Jewish,’ the  Jewish Nation-State Basic Law further weakens the constitutional status  of the indigenous Palestinian people.327 As a Basic Law, it modifies the  state’s constitutional framework to serve Jewish persons, as a racial group.  It explicitly provides under Article 1(c) that: ‘The exercise of the right to  national self-determination in the State of Israel is unique to the Jewish  people.’ Article 7 of the law further provides: 324  HSRC Study, 212-14. 325  Tatour, ‘Citizenship as Domination,’ 10. 326  Basic Law: Israel – The Nation-State of the Jewish People (2018) (hereinafter ‘Jewish Nation-State  Basic Law’) . 327  See  Adalah, Israel’s Nation State Law . ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ88The State views the development of Jewish settlement as a national  value, and shall act to encourage and promote its establishment  and strengthening. Thus, throughout historic Palestine and in the occupied Syrian Golan, the  Jewish Nation-State Basic Law provides for the entrenchment and expansion  of Jewish colonial settlement at the expense of the indigenous peoples. As  such, it escalates indigenous displacement and dispossession.328 Within the  framework of international humanitarian law, the Jewish Nation-State Basic  Law effectively extends illegal Israeli settlement as a ‘national value’ into  the territories occupied since 1967, in direct violation of Israel’s obligations  as the Occupying Power. The Jewish Nation-State Basic Law represents the most significant  escalation in the overt legalisation of Israel’s apartheid regime against the  Palestinian people since 1948. Yet, as discussed earlier in this report, it only  entrenched what was already established under Zionist doctrine and policy  since the start of settler colonisation in historic Palestine. Through Israeli  legislation in the area of nationality, the Palestinian people are relegated  to an inferior status and expressly denied their collective rights, notably  to self-determination, return, and permanent sovereignty over natural  resources. Such institutionalised discrimination exemplifies the use of  Israeli apartheid legislation as a tool to enable and further entrench Zionist  settler colonialisation. 328  See Al-Haq, Factsheet: Israel’s “Jewish Nation-State Law” and the Occupied Palestinian Territory (23  January 2019) . Israel’s Apartheid Legal Regime AL-HAQ895.2.2 Denationalisation of Palestinians: (Denial of) Citizenship and  Residency Through institutionalising a superior ‘Jewish nationality’ status under Israeli  law, Israel has denationalised Palestinian refugees en masse since 1948. The  denial of residency and citizenship rights to Palestinians is a key tool used by  the Israeli regime as part of its wider strategy to transfer and fragment the  Palestinian people, and thereby engineer a Jewish demographic majority.  Palestinians permanently residing within the Green Line after 1948 were  granted Israeli citizenship from 1952 onward. However, the process was by  no means straightforward and for many Palestinian families it took years  and even decades before they were granted Israeli citizenship. Indeed,  approximately 63,000 of the estimated 160,000 Palestinians living inside  the Green Line received citizenship with the enactment of the Citizenship  Law in 1952.329 As noted by Tatour, ‘the decision to extend citizenship was  motivated by a desire to solidify the demographic outcomes of the Nakba…  by denying the possibility of citizenship to as many Palestinians as possible.’330  Given its bifurcation from ‘nationality’ status, Israeli citizenship remains a  precarious status that can be revoked at any time by the Israeli regime,  using broad and vague criteria. For example, the Israeli state has summarily  revoked the citizenship of thousands of Palestinian Bedouin living in the  Naqab region, thus rendering them stateless.331 Amendment No 30 (2008)  to the Citizenship Law gave the Israeli government the power to revoke  Israeli citizenship on grounds of ‘breach of allegiance’ to the Zionist state,  a measure that is defined broadly. For example, it lists as grounds for  revocation the act of residing in one of nine Arab and Muslim states as well  as the Gaza Strip, without requiring a criminal investigation.332 The law has  never been used against a Jewish Israeli citizen.333 329  Tatour, ‘Citizenship as Domination,’ 30. 330  Ibid ., 14. 331  Adalah, Israel illegally revoking citizenship from thousands of Bedouin citizens, leaving them  stateless (18 September 2017) . 332  Haneen Naamnih, ‘New Anti-Arab Legislation’ (2008) 50 Adalah’s Newsletter 1 . 333  BADIL, Forced Population Transfer, No. 16 , 25-26. ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ90In Jerusalem, the same process has been implemented through targeting  Palestinians’ residency rights in the city. By creating the precarious  status of ‘permanent residents’ for Palestinians in the eastern part of  Jerusalem since 1967, the Israeli state created a situation whereby entry  into and residency in Jerusalem is a revocable privilege as opposed to a  right. Residency revocation is the most common and direct tool used  to transfer protected Palestinians from the city of Jerusalem.334 Israeli  occupying authorities instituted onerous requirements for Palestinians  in Jerusalem to continuously prove that their so-called ‘centre of life’ is  in the city in order to maintain their residency rights. In 1995, the Israeli  Interior Ministry initiated a new policy whereby residency could be revoked  if a permanent resident’s ‘centre of life’ had moved ‘outside of Israel,’ a  policy that also included the rest of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip.  Palestinians with permanent residency in Jerusalem are required to provide  proof that Jerusalem is their ‘centre of life’ through documentation such  as home ownership papers, rent contracts, bills for municipal services, and  children’s school registration in a stringent and non-transparent process.335  Palestinians in Jerusalem who cannot prove this severe criteria for seven  years or more thereby lose their right to live in their city and are forced to  leave their homes.336 Since 1967, the Israeli state has revoked the residency  status of over 14,500 Palestinians from Jerusalem.337 Over the years, Israel has gradually expanded the criteria for the revocation  of residency rights, including increasingly on punitive grounds. On 7 March  2018, the Knesset codified such practice with the adoption of Amendment  No 30 to the Entry into Israel Law, which gave the Interior Minister the  power to revoke the permanent residency status of Palestinian residents  of Jerusalem for so-called ‘breach of allegiance to Israel.’338 According to  334  Al-Haq, Residency Revocation: Israel’s Forcible Transfer of Palestinians from Jerusalem (3 July 2017)  .  335  BADIL, Forced Population Transfer, No. 16, 24. 336  Ibid . 337  Al-Haq, Punitive Residency Revocation: the Most Recent Tool of Forcible Transfer (17 March 2018)  . 338  Al-Haq, Urgent Appeal: Israel Must Suspend and Repeal Recent Legislation Allowing for the  Revocation of Permanent Residency Status from Palestinians in Jerusalem for ‘Breach of Allegiance’  (8 March 2018) . Israel’s Apartheid Legal Regime AL-HAQ91the Interior Ministry, there have been 13 cases of residency revocation due  to ‘breach of allegiance’ since 2006. In accordance with Article 45 of the  Hague Regulations, international humanitarian law prohibits Israel, as the  Occupying Power, from compelling the civilian population in the occupied  territory to swear allegiance to the occupier. Nevertheless, as part of its establishment of an institutionalised regime  of oppression and domination, the Israeli state continues to control the  granting of residency status to Palestinians. After the 1967 war, the Israeli  occupying authorities also put in place a residency system for Palestinians  in the rest of the West Bank and Gaza Strip under Israeli military law.  This system also included mechanisms for revoking residency status.  Palestinians in the occupied Palestinian territory were required to acquire  exit permits, at the discretion of the Israeli Interior Ministry, to travel  abroad. If a resident failed to return before the expiration of their permit,  they were at risk of being deleted from the population registry and losing  their residency status.339 From 1967 until 1994, the Israeli state revoked  the residency status of around 140,000 Palestinians from the West Bank  and 108,878 from the Gaza Strip.340 Under the Oslo Accords, authority  over the population registry was transferred to the newly-established  Palestinian Authority in 1995. The Palestinian Authority was permitted  to grant permanent residency in the West Bank, excluding the eastern  part of Jerusalem, and the Gaza Strip for family unification, subject  to the approval of the Israeli occupying authorities. On this basis, the  Palestinian Authority cannot issue valid identity cards for Palestinians on  its own without Israel’s approval, as a result of which many Palestinians  are left without documentation. Until October 2021, the Israeli occupying  authorities had imposed a decade-long freeze on the process, during  which almost no residency requests for Palestinians were approved.341 339  BADIL, Forced Population Transfer, No. 16 , 18. 340  HaMoked, ‘Ceased Residency’: between 1967 and 1994 Israel revoked the residency of some  quarter million Palestinians from the West Bank and Gaza Strip (12 June 2012) . 341  The Times of Israel, ‘Israel approves residency for 4,000 Palestinians, after 10-year freeze’ (19  October 2021)  . ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ925.2.3  Targeting Palestinian Rights in Jerusalem In 1967, the Israeli occupying authorities illegally annexed the eastern part  of Jerusalem, in violation of international law and seized control over and  placed restrictions on the movement of people to, from, and within the  occupied Palestinian territory. Under the Entry into Israel Law of 1952,342  Israeli occupying authorities imposed the precarious ‘permanent resident’  status on Palestinians present in the eastern part of Jerusalem following  the 1967 war, effectively rendering Palestinians ‘foreign visitors’ in the city  of their birth. As of May 2021, there were 358,804 Palestinian ‘permanent  residents’ of Jerusalem.343 Residency revocation became a tool of Zionist  population transfer and demographic manipulation in Jerusalem to implant  Jewish settlers and settlements in their place, in violation of the status of  the city of Jerusalem under international law and the inalienable right of the  Palestinian people to self-determination, including permanent sovereignty.344 The 2000 Jerusalem Master Plan, the first comprehensive plan developed by  the municipality of occupation for the whole city of Jerusalem, was tellingly  drafted without any consultation with Palestinians living in the city. The  plan clearly shows the Israeli settler colonial state’s intentions to dominate  and control the city of Jerusalem, while imposing its desired demographic  makeup. The occupation municipality’s plan is overtly discriminatory as it  explicitly seeks to secure a demographic ratio of 70 per cent Israeli Jews  to 30 per cent Palestinians in the city. At the same time, it recognises as  more probable a ratio of 60 per cent Israeli Jews to 40 per cent Palestinians,  ‘to create a demographic and geographic reality capable of curbing any  efforts to challenge Israeli sovereignty in East Jerusalem.’345 For example,  the plan calls for 13,500 new housing units for Palestinians in the city, far  short of the projected 15,000–30,000 units needed by 2030. In contrast,  342  Entry into Israel Law (5712-1952) . 343  ACRI, East Jerusalem – Facts and Figures, 2021 (10 May 2021) . 344  Article 1, ICCPR and ICESCR. 345  BADIL, Forced Population Transfer: The Case of Palestine – Discriminatory Zoning and Planning  Working Paper No. 17 (December 2014), 38 . Israel’s Apartheid Legal Regime AL-HAQ93the plan allocates 5,000 dunams of land for the expansion of illegal Israeli  settlements for 200,000 Jewish settlers.346 To further its demographic goals and incorporate the maximum amount  of land with the minimum number of Palestinians, both the executive  and legislative branches of the Israeli government have in recent years  adopted and proposed bills before the Knesset seeking to expand the  occupation’s municipal boundaries of Jerusalem to annex illegal West  Bank settlements, while expelling thousands of Palestinians from the city.347  Today, at least 140,000 Palestinian residents of Jerusalem live in Jerusalem  neighbourhoods separated behind the Annexation Wall, including in Shu’fat  refugee camp, ‘Anata, and Kufr ‘Aqab.348 They make up roughly a third of  the city’s Palestinian residents and yet are severed from Jerusalem through  the Annexation Wall and Israeli checkpoints. The Israeli legislature’s so- called ‘Greater Jerusalem’ bills openly seek to alter the city’s demographic  composition through forcing the removal of densely-populated Palestinian  neighbourhoods from Jerusalem and the incorporation of roughly the same  number of Jewish settlers. These measures are in addition to the Israeli state policy to isolate and  physically separate Palestinians in Jerusalem from the rest of the West  Bank and Gaza Strip, a policy that has resulted in the severe obstruction  and marginalisation of Palestinian political, social, economic, and cultural  life in the city. Since construction began in 2002, the Annexation Wall and  its associated closure and permit regime, including checkpoints and road  closures, have radically transformed the city and entrenched Palestinian  fragmentation.349 The route of the Annexation Wall in and around the city  of Jerusalem serves Israel’s long-term demographic goals to annex as much  land as possible with minimal Palestinian presence.350  346  Ibid ., 39-40. 347  Al-Haq, The Occupation and Annexation of Jerusalem through Israeli Bills and Laws (15 March 2018)  . 348  Jaclynn Ashly, ‘Palestinians in Kufr Aqab: “We live here just to wait”’ (Al Jazeera , 7 January 2018)  . 349  See generally, UNCTAD, The Palestinian economy in East Jerusalem: Enduring annexation, isolation  and disintegration (2013)  . 350  B’Tselem, The Separation Barrier (11 November 2017) . ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ94Through its fragmentation of the occupied Palestinian territory and closure  of Jerusalem, Israel has pursued the social and economic suffocation of  Palestinians in Jerusalem while attempting to redirect Palestinian presence  away from the city.351 The Israeli policy toward Jerusalem has worked to radically alter the  character and composition of the city through ‘Judaisation’ of street names  and expansion of illegal Israeli settlements,352 including within Palestinian  neighbourhoods such as Sheikh Jarrah353 and Silwan.354 These policies have  been further apparent in the Old City of Jerusalem, which remains a central  target of Israel’s goal to erase Palestinian presence, culture, heritage, and  identity in the city.355 5.2.4  Denial of Family Life and Child Registration In accordance with Zionist doctrine, Israeli policy pertaining to the domains  of family life and child registration is materially discriminatory and intended  to escalate the transfer of Palestinians from their homes and lands.  Palestinians from the West Bank and Gaza Strip, as well as Palestinian exiles  who are citizens of third states, face significant challenges in receiving family  unification permits when marrying a Palestinian resident of Jerusalem or a  Palestinian citizen of Israel.356 Such racially-motivated restrictions not only  undermine the right to family life, but also prevent natural Palestinian  population growth and place severe stress and uncertainty on Palestinian  families and children. 351  Marya Farah, Occupying Jerusalem’s Old City: Israeli Policies of Isolation, Intimidation and  Transformation  (Al-Haq, 2019) . 352  Al-Haq, Atarot Settlement: The Industrial Key in Israel’s Plant to Permanently Erase Palestine  (2020) . 353  Al-Haq, ‘Sheikh Jarrah and Silwan: Ongoing Nakba and Israeli Dispossession of Palestinians’ (27 May  2021) . 354  Antoine Frère, House Demolitions and Forced Evictions in Silwan: Israel’s Transfer of Palestinians  from Jerusalem (Al-Haq, 2020) . 355  Marya Farah, Occupying Jerusalem’s Old City , 57. 356  Al-Haq, Engineering Community: Family Unification, Entry Restrictions and other Israeli Policies of  Fragmenting Palestinians  (13 February 2019) 6-7 . Israel’s Apartheid Legal Regime AL-HAQ95The Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law, first enacted in 2003 as a  Temporary Order by the Knesset, prohibits the granting of residency or  citizenship status to Palestinian spouses from the occupied Palestinian  territory who are married to Palestinians with Israeli citizenship, thereby  denying them of their rights to family unification, family life, equality in  marriage, and choice of spouse, contrary to Article 23 of the ICCPR. In  2008, the Israeli state completely banned family unification for Palestinians  from the Gaza Strip.357 Meanwhile, Palestinians with Jerusalem residency  status who marry West Bank residents are required to apply for family  unification. Palestinian residents of Jerusalem must provide a long list  of supporting documents to the Israeli Interior Ministry, which has the  discretion to decide not to grant the couple’s family unification request. It  can take two years to receive an answer from the Ministry, during which  time the couple cannot ‘legally’ live together in Jerusalem.358  Prior to 2003, the spouse of a Palestinian resident of Jerusalem would  receive permanent residency status in the city following a very long  and discriminatory family unification process by the Interior Ministry.359  However, since the adoption of the 2003 Temporary Order spouses, if  approved, would only receive temporary residency to be renewed annually.  The Temporary Order also set a minimum age requirement for Palestinians  requesting family unification: women must be 25 years of age or older and  men must be 35 years of age or older, effectively banning family unification  for those who do not meet the age requirement.360 357  BADIL, Forced Population Transfer, No. 16 , 37. 358  Ibid ., 31. 359  The Society of St. Yves, Catholic Center for Human Rights, Palestinian Families Under Threat: 10  Years of Family Unifi cation Freeze in Jerusalem  (December 2013) 8-9 . 360  Haaretz, ‘Israel Can’t Keep Denying Palestinian Family Unification, Top Court Says’ (11 January 2022)  . ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ96Over a third of family unification applications coming from Palestinian  Jerusalem residents were denied between 2000 and 2013.361 By November  2020, some 12,700 Palestinians were said to have been living with  temporary permits in Jerusalem through the family unification procedure,  with around 70 per cent deprived of social security rights or status within  the Israeli system.362 In many cases, Palestinians may have their family  unification permits cancelled for so-called ‘security reasons.’ If a member  of the extended family is declared a ‘security threat’ by the Israeli regime,  their relatives living in Jerusalem through family unification will also have  their permit to live in the city punitively revoked as collective punishment.363 In 2019, the Israeli Population and Immigration Authority began rejecting  family unification requests based on ‘intolerable workload’ rather than the  merits of the request.364 Despite criticism from UN human rights treaty  bodies, notably CERD,365 the racist Temporary Order was renewed on an  annual basis until July 2021 when it was voted down by the Knesset as a  result of political infighting between the ruling coalition, Likud, and Religious  Zionism.366 Despite the law’s expiration, the Israeli Interior Minister and  the state prosecutor’s office continued to apply the discriminatory law to  361  Al-Haq, Living Under Israeli Policies of Colonization in Jerusalem (4 February 2017) ; official Israeli papers specifically relate to the ‘demographic  balance’ in Jerusalem (see  for instance: Jerusalem Local Outline Plan 2000, Report No. 4 – The  Suggested Plan and the Planning Policy, August 2004, p 202). 362  HaMoked, Ministry of Interior data reveals: some 12,700 Palestinians live in East Jerusalem and  Israel by virtue of family unification processes; of them, some 70% are without social security rights  or status in Israel (23 November 2020) . 363  See UN OCHA, Concern about collective punishment: new measures targeting the residency rights  of East Jerusalem Palestinians (13 April 2017) ; HaMoked,  Minister of Interior announced yesterday he had revoked the status of relatives of the Armon  HaNatziv attacker: ‘Only immediate and practical acts will deter assailants. I am convinced that the  revocation of family members’ status will serve as a warning for others’ (26 January 2017) . 364  Nir Hasson, ‘Israel Seeks to Block All East Jerusalem Family Reunification Hearings Over ‘Workload’’  (Haaretz, 1 May 2019) . 365  CERD, Concluding observations on the combined seventeenth to nineteenth reports of Israel, 12  December 2019, UN Doc CERD/C/ISR/CO/17-19, paras 24-25. 366  Haaretz, ‘In Blow to Bennett, Knesset Votes Down Extending Citizenship Law’ (5 July 2021) . Israel’s Apartheid Legal Regime AL-HAQ97Palestinian applications in 2021,367 demonstrating that such discriminatory  policy does not end when Israeli laws are not renewed. In March 2022,  the Knesset approved the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law (Temporary  Order) of 2022, which bans Palestinian family unification, including with  Palestinian citizens of Israel and ‘with spouses from “enemy states”,  including Syria, Lebanon, Iraq, and Iran.’368 With respect to child registration, the Israeli state imposes severe  restrictions on the registration of children born of couples where one or  both spouses are Palestinian residents of Jerusalem,369 while new-borns  of Israeli Jewish citizens immediately receive an identification number  at the hospital. After the child’s birth, Palestinian permanent residents  of Jerusalem receive only a form titled ‘notification of live birth,’ and  face significant obstacles to register their child, thereby leaving them  in a vulnerable situation. This deprives the child of the right to live  permanently in the place where they were born or where their parents  reside.370 The parents must then submit to the Israeli Interior Ministry a  ‘request to register a birth’ and include a long list of documents as proof  that the family’s ‘centre of life’ has been in Jerusalem for the previous  two years.371 Such documents include: a rental lease agreement, home  ownership documents, water and electricity bills, and payment of the  municipal tax.372 Moreover, the Israeli Interior Ministry does not always  inform parents that their child does not have an identity number or that  they must initiate the child registration process before the child reaches  14 years of age, after which the Ministry only grants ‘temporary permits’  resembling a tourist visa that allows the child to remain inside the Green  Line or in Jerusalem.373 367  Haaretz, ‘Months after Citizenship Law lapses, ban on Palestinian spouses still in place’ (7 October  2021)  . 368  Adalah, ‘Israel Reinstates Ban on Palestinian Family Unification’ (10 March 2022) . 369  BADIL, Forced Population Transfer, No. 16 , 39. 370  Ibid ., 40. 371  Ibid , 40-41. 372  Ibid ., 40. 373  Ibid ., 41. ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ98According to an estimation by the Society of St. Yves, between 2004 and July  2013, some 10,000 Palestinian children were not registered in Jerusalem.374  For children, the Israeli Interior Ministry has based its rejection of child  registration on so-called ‘security concerns’ and by claiming that the family  does not fulfil its requirements to prove Jerusalem is their ‘centre of life.’375  Thus, under the Israeli regime, fragmented Palestinians face a systematic  denial of their right to family life, including family unification and child  registration, in direct violation of Articles 23 and 24 of the ICCPR. They are  forced to live apart or live ‘illegally’ together under constant risk of arrest  and forcible transfer. 374  The Society of St. Yves, Catholic Center for Human Rights, Palestinian Families Under Threat , 10. 375  Ibid . Israel’s Apartheid Legal Regime AL-HAQ995.3   (Denying) Land and Property Rights Since 1948, the Israeli state has devised a system to ‘legalise’ and otherwise  legitimise its illegal seizure of Palestinian land, homes, and properties taken  by force. Israeli law and Zionist parastatal institutions then expanded this  demographic-manipulation system through discriminatory zoning and  planning policies to further confiscate and appropriate Palestinian land,  restrict and confine the growth of Palestinian villages and cities, and exclude  Palestinians from residing in exclusive Jewish settlements on both sides  of the Green Line. After annexing the whole of the Naqab region in the  south, the Israeli military proceeded to demolish 108 Naqab villages and  village points, while transferring their Palestinian inhabitants into a central- Naqab enclosure, known as siyaj, in what Israeli planners called rekuzim  (concentrations), where they mostly are confined today.376 Within weeks after the 1967 war, the Israeli military government  extended such laws and practices, already well established under  Israeli military administration inside the Green Line (1948–1966), to the  occupied Palestinian territory.377 These actions violated the international  humanitarian law prohibition against an Occupying Power altering the legal  institutions in an occupied territory.378 As in the 1948 Nakba, these included  depopulating and transferring Palestinians from strategic areas to achieve  the desired Jewish-majority demography and justifying the annexation of  additional Palestinian territory. The legal planning regime devised by Israel  has effectively rendered the indigenous Palestinian people ‘trespassers’  in their own land ‘[b]y retracing the boundaries of domains and their  possible legal uses, changing the procedures for land sales and acquisition,  [and] redefining property regimes as well as the statutes and rights of the  populations previously occupying these spaces.’379 376  See Anthony Coon, Steven Kahanovitz, Miloon Kothari, Rudolfo Stavenhagen, The Goldberg  Opportunity: A Chance for Human Rights-based Statecraft in Israel (HIC-HLRN, 2010) . 377  Nakhleh, ‘The Two Galilees.’ 378  Articles 43 and 47, Hague Regulations. 379  Baptiste Sellier, ‘L’usage du droit foncier par l’État  d’Israël comme arme d’appropriation de l’espace  Palestinien  : Quelle comparaison avec l’ Algérie Coloniale ? ’ 1 (authors’ translation from French)  . ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ100In addition to the international law prohibition of cross-border population  transfer and demographic manipulation domestically, the UN Vancouver  Declaration and Action Plan (Habitat I, 1976) recognised that: The ideologies of States are reflected in their human settlement  policies. These being powerful instruments for change, they must  not be used to dispossess people from their land or entrench  privilege and exploitation.380 Subsequently, the 1998 UN Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement  prohibited arbitrary displacement ‘when it is based on policies of apartheid,  “ethnic cleansing” or similar practices aimed at/or resulting in altering  the ethnic, religious or racial composition of the affected population.’381  Through discriminatory planning and zoning and the exploitation of land  and other natural resources, the Israeli regime displaces and dispossesses  Palestinians, denying them their means of subsistence as part of their  collective right to self-determination.382 These policies, in turn, contribute  to the constant threat—and actual experience—of forced displacement  and dispossession for indigenous Palestinians. 5.3.1   Expropriation and Appropriation of Palestinian Land After conducting a series of strategic massacres, Zionist militias drove at  least 750,000 Palestinians,383 including 80,000 from the western part of  Jerusalem, whose homes, lands, and properties were seized by Zionist  militias and settlers.384 Israel now claims to control 93 per cent of the land  380  Preamble, para 3, Vancouver Action Plan .  381  UN, Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement (1998), Principle 6(2)(a). 382  Article 1(2), ICCPR and ICESCR. 383  Figure cited in UNWRA, Palestine Refugees ; see  estimation of 770-780,000 expelled, in Janet L Abu Lughod, ‘The demographic transformation of  Palestine’ in Ibrahim Abu Lughod (ed), The Transformation of Palestine, 1948–1967  (Northwestern  University Press, 1971) 161. 384  Adam Raz, Looting of Arab Property in the War of Independence  (Carmel Publishing House,  2020) Avi-ram Tzoreff, ‘Carpets, books, and jewelry: Why looting was central to the Nakba’ (+972  magazine, 24 March 2022)  . Israel’s Apartheid Legal Regime AL-HAQ101inside the Green Line.385 The new state began to institute a legal framework  that would serve to ‘obscure the issue of dispossession and refugees,’  while also establishing structural inequality between Jewish Israelis and  Palestinians.386 In doing so, the Israeli state sealed the dispossession  of Palestinian refugees, displaced persons, and other Palestinians who  were abroad at the time of the 1948 war, by legally classifying them as  ‘absentees,’ thus barring their inalienable right of return and appropriating  their property. In addition to conquest, the Israeli state legalised and expanded its control  of Palestinian land through both de jure  confiscation, which transfers  ownership to the state, and de facto confiscation, which hinders or denies  the owner of use and access to their property after it has been designated  for various uses, such as closed military zones, ‘national parks,’ checkpoints,  and by-pass roads.387 These laws, policies, and practices already well- established within Israeli polity were then extended and operationalised in  the occupied Palestinian territory since 1967 and have continued to evolve  as a main tool of population transfer and apartheid.388 In 1950, the Israeli legislature adopted the Absentee Property Law,389 the  main law regulating the property of Palestinians who were forced to flee,  were away from their property, or were deported with the start of the  Nakba.390 The law defines as ‘absentee’ any person who was expelled,  fled, or left the country after 19 November 1947 and designates their  movable and immovable property as ‘absentee property.’ Through this law,  385  Adalah, Challenging ILA Policy of Tenders Open Only to Jews for Jewish National Fund Lands,  .  386  Baptiste Sellier, ‘L’usage du droit foncier par l’État d’Israël comme arme d’appropriation de l’espace  Palestinien : Quelle comparaison avec l’ Algérie Coloniale ? ’ 3 .  387  BADIL, Land Confiscation and Denial of Use – Working Paper No. 21 (October 2017) 9-10 . 388  Ibid ., 10-11. 389  Absentee Property Law (5710-1950) . 390  Norwegian Refugee Council, Legal Memo: The Absentee Property Law and its Application to East  Jerusalem (February 2017) 1 . ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ102Palestinian property deemed to be ‘absentee property’ was confiscated  by the state and the control thereof was transferred to the Custodianship  Council for Absentee Property, stripping Palestinians of their rights to their  property ever since. In 1967, the Israeli occupying authorities extended the  law to the eastern part of Jerusalem along with its illegal annexation. Since  then, Israeli settler groups have used the Absentee Property Law to further  pursue Palestinian dispossession across the city.391 The Absentee Property Law has created significant obstacles for  Palestinians to successfully establish their rights to property or land. This  law did not only apply to Palestinians outside of historic Palestine, but also  to Palestinian survivors of the Nakba, including those internally displaced  inside the Green Line. It has also resulted in significant difficulties for  Palestinians when seeking to obtain Israeli-issued licenses to build and  complete property transactions.392 The Absentee Property Law also created  the paradoxical category of ‘present absentees’ for Palestinians who were  internally displaced within the Green Line and whose properties were  confiscated by the state.393 In addition to the Absentee Property Law, the  Israeli state adopted the Prevention of Infiltration Law (1954). This legislative  device considered Palestinians whom Zionist militias had expelled to be  ‘infiltrators’ who could be imprisoned for up to five years or heavily fined  for returning to their homes and properties. In January 1949, shortly after Zionist forces ethnically cleansed much  of Palestine, the Israeli settler state conferred one million dunams of  Palestinian refugees’ land and other properties to the JNF. In October 1950,  the state transferred another 1.2 million dunams of refugees’ lands to the  JNF. The tactical meaning of these land transfers is important, because, as  explained by a JNF spokesperson in 1951, the transfer of title to the JNF  was intended to ‘redeem the lands and… turn them over to the Jewish  people—to the people and not the state, which in the current composition  391  Ibid . 392  Ibid . 393  Haneen Naamnih, ‘Palestinian Refugees’ Property in Their Own Land: Politics of Absence and  Alienation’ in Nadim N Rouhana and Areej Sabbagh-Khoury (eds), The Palestinians in Israel:  Readings in History, Politics and Society (2nd volume, Mada al-Carmel Arab Center for Applied  Social Research, 2018) 50. Israel’s Apartheid Legal Regime AL-HAQ103of population cannot be an adequate guarantor of Jewish ownership.’394 In September 1953, the Israeli Custodian of Absentee Properties executed  a contract with the Israeli Department of Construction and Development,  whereby the Custodian transferred the ownership of all the Palestinian  lands under his control to the latter. The price for these properties was to  be retained by the Israeli Department of Construction and Development  as a loan. At the same time, the Custodian conveyed the ownership of the  houses and commercial buildings in the cities to Amidar, a quasi-public  Israeli company founded to settle Jewish persons,395 and thus began a  practice that forms an unbroken pattern to this day. Three months before that 1953 transaction, the JNF also executed a  contract with the Israeli Department of Construction and Development,  acquiring 2,373,677 dunams of land. By this time, the JNF had become  statutorily fused to the Israeli state by the Status Law. The deal was  completed after the Department concluded its transaction with the  Custodian. As a result, Palestinian property changed hands and its  consolidation under the JNF, whose ‘ownership’ totalled over 90 per cent  of the total territories that fell under the control of the Israeli state in  1948. The landed properties are referred to in Israel as ‘national land,’  a subtle-but-important distinction, understood to mean that it is limited  to exclusive use by Jews (‘Jewish nationals’), whoever and wherever they  may be, and foreclosed to the indigenous Palestinian people, including its  rightful private and collective owners.396 In addition, the Land Acquisition Law (Actions and Compensation), adopted in  1953, allowed for the transfer of land ownership from its Palestinian owners  to the state that had been previously taken for military and development  purposes or existing and newly-established Jewish settlements.397 As a result,  394  Jewish National Fund, Report to the 23rd Congress, 32-33 (emphasis in original), cited in Walter Lehn  and Uri Davis, The Jewish National Fund (Kegan Paul, 1988) 108. 395  Sabri Jiryis, The Arabs in Israel (Monthly Review Press, 1976) 77-101; Usama Halabi, ‘Israeli Law as a  Tool of Confiscation, Planning, and Settlement Policy’ (2000) 2 Adalah’s Review 7-13. 396  Jiryis, The Arabs in Israel , 77-101. 397  Baptiste Sellier, ‘L’usage du droit foncier par l’État d’Israël comme arme d’appropriation de l’espace  Palestinien : Quelle comparaison avec l’ Algérie Coloniale ?’ 4 . ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ104an additional 1.2 to 1.3 million dunams of land were expropriated from the  Palestinian people.398 In conjunction, the Land Ordinance of 1943 and its  amendments, originating from the British mandate era, has also been used  to confiscate Palestinian land for ‘public purposes’ and transfer it to state  ownership.399 Much of the confiscations of Palestinian land inside the Green  Line took place between 1948 until the end of military rule in 1966, but they  continue under various other pretexts.400 Other laws imposed following Israel’s establishment also contribute to  the ‘legalisation’ of the acquisition of territory by force and the forcible  transfer of Palestinians. The Basic Law: Israel Lands (1960) ensured  that the ownership of ‘Israel lands’—namely land, houses, buildings,  and anything permanent fixed to land—by Israeli state institutions and  Zionist parastatal institutions is non-transferrable beyond three entities,  the state, the JNF, and the Development Authority, thereby preventing  its return to Palestinians.401 In parallel, the Israel Lands Administration  Law (1960) established the Israel Lands Administration to administer the  newly-gained land acquired by conquest, confiscation, and expropriation,  and the Israel Lands Council, which is empowered to develop the land  policy and supervise the activities of the administration.402 However, the  law allows for the transfer of ownership among those three entities and  remains fully consistent with the JNF charter’s cardinal rule: to manage  and lease land on behalf of Jews only.403 It must be understood that, within the founding principles of the WZO/JA and  JNF, the designation as public and state land renders said land exclusively for  Jewish use. Hence, Israel’s Public Lands Law (Eviction of Squatters) of 1981  398  Land Acquisition Law (Actions and Compensation ) (1953) .  399  Land (Acquisition for Public Purposes) Ordinance – Amendment No. 10 (2010) . 400  Human Rights Watch, Israel: Discriminatory Land Policies Hem in Palestinians  (12 May 2020)  .  401  Basic Law: Israel Lands (1960) . 402  Israel Lands Administration Law (1960) .  403  See CERD Report, paras 42-46. Israel’s Apartheid Legal Regime AL-HAQ105enables the state to remove from public and state lands persons from ‘land,  houses, buildings and anything permanently fixed to land’ who fall outside  that privileged category. A 2005 amendment to this law expanded the Israel  Lands Administration’s powers and those of its agencies to use administrative  orders to dispossess Palestinians. Although Israeli state agencies have applied  it to alter the demographic composition of Jerusalem404 and elsewhere, the  2005 amendment was aimed primarily against the Palestinian Bedouin in the  southern Naqab. In 1967, Israel extended the application of the Absentee Property Law to  the eastern part of Jerusalem following its illegal annexation. As a result,  most property in there was considered ‘absentee property,’ because it was  within the ‘territory of Israel’ and the Palestinian owners were Jordanian  citizens following Jordan’s control over the West Bank from 1948 to 1967.405  This issue was partially resolved following the passage of the Legal and  Administrative Matters Law in 1970, which determined that Palestinian  residents of Jerusalem would not be considered absentees for their property  in the city, yet Palestinians residing outside the eastern part of Jerusalem  remained defined as ‘absentees.’406 Palestinian Jerusalem residents  remained absentees with respect to their property within the Green Line as  well. The Legal and Administrative Matters Law cemented the dispossession  and displacement of Palestinians in Jerusalem, and allowed Israeli Jews to  pursue claims for land and property allegedly owned by Jewish persons  in the eastern part of Jerusalem prior to the establishment of the Israeli  state in 1948.407 Under the law, the assets of Jews in the eastern part of  Jerusalem, which had been managed by the Jordanian Custodian of Enemy  404  Gil Stern Stern Zohar, ‘The land is whose land? Private landowners, urban planners and political  activists grapple with territorial disputes in east Jerusalem’ (The Jerusalem Post, 26 July 2007)  ; Adam Eliyahu  Berkowitz, ‘Arab Squatters Evicted From Jerusalem House Owned by Jews for 140 Years’ (Breaking  Israel News, 5 September 2017)  ; see also  CERD Report, para 99. 405  Norwegian Refugee Council, Legal Memo , 5-6. 406  Ibid ., 5. 407  Al-Haq, Joint Urgent Appeal to the United Nations Special Procedures on Forced Evictions in  Jerusalem (10 March 2021) 4 . ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ106Property until 1967, were transferred to the Israeli Custodian General  within the Israeli Justice Ministry, who can release the property to Israeli  Jews who claim ownership or inheritance of properties from before 1948.408  Utilising this discriminatory law, ‘[i]deological settler organisations have  exploited these legal mechanisms and the support they enjoy from state  bodies like the General Custodian to advance [expulsions] of Palestinians  and takeovers of their homes as a means to establish settler strongholds  in the heart of Palestinian neighbourhoods.’409 Like the Absentee Property  Law, the Legal and Administrative Matters Law has served to dispossess  Palestinians of their homes, lands, and properties. Article II(d) of the  Apartheid Convention considers ‘the expropriation of landed property  belonging to a racial group or groups or to members thereof’ as an inhuman  act of the crime of apartheid. 5.3.2   Discriminatory Zoning and Planning Laws The Israeli state has combined a strategy of adopting laws to legalise and  legitimise the dispossession that took place during the periods of conquest  while also facilitating future land grabs creating a comprehensive plan  to appropriate Palestinian land. The second phase of this process uses  discriminatory zoning and planning policies on both sides of the Green Line  to hem in Palestinian villages and cities, restricting their natural growth and  expansion, while driving the transfer of Palestinians for the benefit of Jewish  localities and illegal settlements.410 The Israeli authorities have instituted  increasingly aggressive planning and zoning policies targeting Palestinians  within the Green Line, particularly in the Naqab, and in the occupied West  Bank, including the eastern part of Jerusalem, that deprive them of their  rights to freedom of movement and residence, adequate housing, and access  to and control over their land and other natural resources.411 These policies  408  Ibid ., 4. 409  Ir Amim, Ir Amim with Sheikh Jarrah Residents Submit Legal Petition against the Israeli General  Custodian (31 December 2020) . 410  Baptiste Sellier, ‘L’usage du droit foncier par l’État d’Israël comme arme d’appropriation de l’espace  Palestinien : Quelle comparaison avec l’ Algérie Coloniale ?’ 6 . 411  Articles 5(d)(i) and 5(e)(iii), ICERD; Article 1(2), ICESCR and ICCPR. Israel’s Apartheid Legal Regime AL-HAQ107have dramatically reduced the amount of land available for Palestinian use  as a result of unlawful appropriation, illegal expansion of settlements, and  designation of lands as ‘state land’ and closed military zones. The National Planning and Building Law (1965)412 is one of the main laws  pertaining to planning. It gives the Israeli government extensive powers,  including the design of national land-use plans.413 Following the expulsion  of the majority of the Palestinian people, the Israeli state destroyed almost  80 per cent of Palestinian towns and villages, which were then deemed  ‘closed military areas.’414 Israeli authorities currently control 93 per cent  of the land inside the Green Line and in the eastern part of Jerusalem,  which is either direct ‘property’ of the state, the JNF, or the Development  Authority.415 The remaining 36 Palestinian villages in the Naqab were not  included in the original plans and were not recognised by Israel. According  to the National Planning and Building Law, all buildings in these villages  became illegal and under threat of demolition.416 In 2013, these villages  came under additional threat following the passage of the Prawer-Begin Bill  by the Knesset, which authorised the mass expulsion of Palestinians in the  Naqab and the destruction of the 36 villages.417 In the Naqab, the Palestinian Bedouin village of al-‘Araqib was demolished  for the 209th time on 14 November 2022.418 The Israeli courts have  played a role in imposing fines on affected Palestinian citizens for the  cost of demolishing and evacuating their village, under the pretext  that the indigenous Palestinian people of the Naqab are ‘trespassing’  412  National Planning and Building Law, 5725-1965 . 413  BADIL, Forced Population Transfer, No. 17 , 15. 414  BADIL, Israel’s Land Laws as a Legal-Political Tool  (December 2004) 4 . 415  Israel Land Authority, Israel Land Authority Projects . 416  BADIL, Forced Population Transfer, No. 17 , 19. 417  Ibid . 418  Middle East Monitor, ‘Israel demolishes Palestinian village of Al-Araqeeb for 209th time’ (14  November 2022)  . ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ108on ‘state-owned’ land.419 In January 2022, Israeli authorities continued  their dispossession and displacement of Palestinian Bedouin citizens in  the Naqab. The JNF restarted its unsustainable ‘afforestation’420 in the  Bedouin village of Sa’wa on lands allocated by the Israel Lands Authority  despite registered claims of ownership and agricultural use by Palestinian  residents.421 In the past year, protests by Palestinians in the Naqab against  the JNF’s ‘afforestation’ campaign have been met with excessive use of  force by the Israeli police.422 The National Planning and Building Law  established the National Council for Planning and Construction and the  Regional Councils for Planning and Construction, centralising planning  inside the Green Line under the national government. Jewish Agency  representatives maintain a constant voting majority in the Regional  Councils, while part of their role is to exclude Palestinian citizens of Israel. Following the occupation and annexation of the eastern part of Jerusalem,  the Israeli occupying authorities used the National Planning and Building Law  to preclude the authorisation of permits for areas not zoned for construction  or which otherwise lack planning schemes.423 For example, Palestinians  are allowed, on rare occasions, to build up to a maximum of three floors,  while Jewish Israeli settlers are allowed to build up to nine floors or more.424  Local town planning schemes are supposed to define development and  allocate territory to respond to expected demand, population growth, and  infrastructure needs. However, since the occupation of the eastern part of  Jerusalem in 1967, no town planning scheme has been approved. This makes  it impossible for Palestinians to obtain building permits and forces many to  419  WAFA, ‘Israel demolishes Naqab Bedouin village for 157th time’ (2 September 2019) . 420  Alon Rothschild, From “Improving Landscape” to Conserving Landscape: The need to stop  Afforestation in Sensitive Natural Ecosystems in Israel and Conserve Israel’s Natural Landscapes  (trs., Esther Lachman, Society for the Protection of Nature in Israel, May 2019) 24. 421  Adalah, Israeli police violently dispersed demonstrations by Palestinian Bedouins and human  rights activists over the Jewish National Fund’s afforestation work in the Naqab (16 January 2022)  . 422  Yumna Patel, ‘What’s happening in the Naqab? Israel uproots Palestinians to plant trees’  (Mondoweiss, 14 January 2022)  . 423  BADIL, Forced Population Transfer, No. 17 , 37. 424  Ibid . Israel’s Apartheid Legal Regime AL-HAQ109build without permits, putting their structures at risk of demolition.425 In the  rest of the West Bank, the oppressive zoning and planning framework consists  of a complex tapestry of land laws from Ottoman rule, the British mandate  period, and Jordanian control, supplemented by numerous Israeli military  orders designed to displace Palestinians from large areas of land through  arbitrary declarations of land as ‘state land’ belonging to the Occupying  Power, in order to replace Palestinians with Jewish settlers.426 Overall, Al-Haq  documented the demolition of 2,451 Palestinian structures in the West Bank,  including the eastern part of Jerusalem, between 2012 and 2018, resulting in  the displacement of 6,473 Palestinians, including 3,348  children.427 Palestinian citizens of Israel reside in three main areas, namely the Galilee  and the Triangle in the north and the Naqab in the south. Since 1948, only  a handful of government-planned townships were created to concentrate  Palestinian Bedouin communities in the Naqab and the Galilee, while in  contrast more than 900 Jewish localities have been created.428 In order to  confine Palestinian towns and villages, Israeli authorities have systematically  designated the land surrounding them for ‘security zones,’ Jewish regional  councils, ‘national parks,’ nature reserves, and highways.429 As a result,  some 15 to 20 per cent of homes in Palestinian towns and villages lack  permits, putting some 60,000 to 70,000 Palestinian homes inside the Green  Line at risk of demolition.430 In contrast, the state provides sufficient land  and zoning permissions for Jewish Israelis, ‘to facilitate their growth.’431 In the Gaza Strip, while isolating Palestinians through an illegal 15-year- long land, sea, and air blockade and closure, the Israeli occupying  authorities designated land along the Gaza fence as ‘access restricted area’  or ‘buffer zone’ to restrict Palestinians’ access to their land. The ‘buffer  zone’ extends to land within 100–300 metres of the Gaza fence, expanded  425  Ibid ., 38. 426  Ibid ., 27. 427  Al-Haq, Monitoring and Documentation Department (2019); see also CERD Report, 102. 428  Human Rights Watch, Discriminatory Land Policies . 429  Ibid . 430  Ibid . 431  Ibid . ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ110during times of military escalation, that is only accessible by foot by  farmers and remains difficult to access. The zone within 100 metres of the  fence is a military ‘no-go zone,’ in which access and the planting of plants  and trees higher than 80 centimetres is strictly prohibited.432 The Israeli  occupying authorities have also completed a new underground fence  equipped with sensory equipment433 and have constructed an undersea  wall of boulders extending some 200 metres into the sea, a concrete wall,  and a fence to further restrict access to the sea from the Gaza Strip.434  These restrictions affect up to 35 per cent of Gaza’s agricultural land, with  deleterious effects on Gaza’s ability to be food sufficient for its population  of approximately two million Palestinians.435 432  BADIL, Forced Population Transfer, No. 17 , 50. 433  Al Jazeera, ‘Israel completes ‘iron wall’ underground Gaza barrier’ (7 December 2021) . 434  Times of Israel, ‘Israel’s Gaza sea barrier nears completion’ (1 January 2019)  ; Judah Ari Gross, ‘“A wall of iron, sensors  and concrete”: IDF completes tunnel-busting Gaza barrier’ (The Times of Israel, 7 December 2021)   . 435  BADIL, Forced Population Transfer, No. 17 , 50. Israel’s Apartheid Legal Regime AL-HAQ1115.4   Fragmenting the Palestinian People According to the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics (PCBS), by mid- 2022, there were 14.3 million Palestinians around the world.436 Strategic  fragmentation is the primary method through which Israel imposes  apartheid and exerts its control over the Palestinian people, a key finding  outlined in the 2017 ESCWA report authored by Falk and Tilley.437 It is  through this systematic and widespread fragmentation that the Israeli  regime obfuscates the reality of apartheid and represses the ability of the  Palestinian people to effectively challenge the regime. As outlined in the  ESCWA report, Israel’s apartheid has administratively divided the Palestinian  people into at least four legal ‘domains,’ including Palestinians with Israeli  citizenship subject to Israeli civil law, Palestinians with permanent residency  status in occupied East Jerusalem, Palestinians in the occupied West Bank  and Gaza Strip subject to Israeli military law, and Palestinian refugees and  exiles abroad, whose right of return continues to be denied.438 By 2019, there were approximately 1.9 million Palestinians with Israeli  citizenship, comprising some 21 per cent of the state’s citizens.439 As non- Jewish persons, they are accorded an inferior legal status, face discrimination  in access to services, limited budget allocations, and restrictions in access  to jobs and other professional opportunities. While Palestinians are  represented in the Knesset, their representation is superficial, because  their elected officials are barred by Israel’s Basic Laws from challenging or  introducing legislation that would compromise the ‘Jewish character’ of  the state.440 For example, when the Joint List attempted to challenge the  proposed bill for the Jewish Nation-State Basic Law in 2018 by submitting a  bill titled ‘Israel as the Nation-State of all its Citizens,’ the Knesset presidium  436  Wafa, ‘PCBS: Some 14.3 million Palestinians in the world in mid-2022’ (7 July 2022) ; PCBS, ‘Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics (PCBS) Presents the  Conditions of Palestinian Populations on the Occasion of the International Population Day,’ (11 July  2022) . 437  ESCWA Report, 37. 438  Ibid ., 37-38. 439  IMEU, ‘Fact Sheet: Palestinian Citizens of Israel’ (17 March 2021) . 440  Ibid ., 4. ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ112refused to allow discussion of the proposal.441 In the occupied Palestinian territory, there are some 3.19 million Palestinians  in the West Bank, including 871,537 Palestinian refugees registered with  UNRWA, and some 2.17 million Palestinians in the Gaza Strip, including  1.47 million Palestinian refugees registered with UNRWA.442 Palestinians in  the occupied Palestinian territory are governed by Israeli military law, while  Jewish Israeli settlers, whose mere presence in the occupied Palestinian  territory is illegal, are subject to Israeli civil law. The latter is extended  to the occupied territory in violation of the Israeli occupying authorities’  responsibilities under the Hague Regulations and the Geneva Conventions.443  Zionist settler colonisation was supplemented within the occupied territory  by a segregated legal system with different jurisdictions over Palestinians  and Jewish settlers. This discrimination affects almost every aspect of  Palestinian life under Israeli occupation.444 Palestinian refugees and involuntary exiles make up the fourth ‘domain’ in  which Israel has fragmented the Palestinian people.445 While they may find  themselves outside the territory under Israel’s jurisdiction or territory of  effective control, Israeli state policy in accordance with Zionist ideology denies  them their inalienable right of return as part of an institutionalised regime  of systematic racial oppression and domination. There are some 5.7 million  Palestinian refugees registered with UNRWA today in the West Bank, Gaza  Strip, Lebanon, Syria, and in Jordan.446 Palestinians, wherever they reside, are  collectively denied the exercise of their right to self-determination. 441  See Adalah, ‘Israeli Supreme Court refuses to allow discussion of full equal rights & ‘state of all its  citizens’ bill in Knesset,’ (30 December 2018) . 442  PCBS, ‘Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics (PCBS) Presents the Conditions of Palestinian  Populations on the Occasion of the International Population Day,’ (11 July 2022) . UNRWA, ‘UNRWA in Figures 2020-2021’ (6 September  2021) . 443  Article 43, Hague Regulations; Article 64, Fourth Geneva Convention. 444  The Association for Civil Rights in Israel, One Rule, Two Legal Systems: Israel’s Regime of Laws  in the West Bank (October 2014) 7 . 445  ESCWA Report, 37-38 and 47-48. 446  UNRWA, ‘UNRWA in Figures 2020-2021’ (6 September 2021) . Israel’s Apartheid Legal Regime AL-HAQ1135.4.1  Denial of Collective Rights to Return and Self-Determination The right of return of Palestinian refugees, displaced persons, and exiles is  firmly rooted in the prohibition of deportations and expulsions enshrined  in the laws and customs of war, which had gained customary character  by 1945.447 It is similarly reflected in the law of state responsibility, which  requires states to provide reparations to victims of serious breaches of  international law.448 The UN General Assembly specifically recognises the  right of return of Palestinian refugees in Resolution 194 (III) of 11 December  1948, which resolves ‘that the refugees wishing to return to their homes…  should be permitted to do so at the earliest practicable date.’449  Reaffirmed in over a hundred UN resolutions since, General Assembly  Resolution 194 reflects binding customary international law as it stood at  the time, which requires Israel to fulfil the right of return of Palestinian  refugees, displaced persons, and exiles.450 In the same vein, the Universal  Declaration of Human Rights, adopted by the General Assembly on 10  December 1948, enshrines the right of everyone ‘to leave any country,  including his[/her] own, and to return to his[/her] country.’451 The same  language was adopted in 1965 in Article 5(d)(ii) of ICERD, which prohibits  racial discrimination in the enjoyment of ‘[t]he right to leave any country,  including one’s own, and to return to one’s country.’452 The Israeli authorities  thereby have a legal obligation to fulfil the right of return of Palestinians  displaced, dispossessed, and denationalised.453 In 1973, the Apartheid  Convention expressly recognised denial of the right of return as an inhuman  act of the crime of apartheid in Article II(c).454 447  IMT, Trial of the Major War Criminals before the International Military Tribunal (1947) 253-54. 448  Albanese and Takkenberg, Palestinian Refugees,  352-353, 360; see also  Mallison and Mallison, The  Palestine Problem, 177, 409. 449  UN General Assembly, Resolution 194 (III), 11 December 1948, UN Doc A/RES/194 (III), para 11. 450  Albanese and Takkenberg, Palestinian Refugees,  350; Susan M Akram, ‘Myths and Realities of the  Palestinian Refugee Problem: Reframing the right of return’ in Susan M Akram, Michael Dumper,  Michael Lynk, and Iain Scobbie (eds), International Law and the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: A rights- based approach to Middle East peace  (Routledge, 2011) 30. 451  Article 13(2), UDHR. 452  See also CERD, General Recommendation 22, Article 5 and refugees and displaced persons, 49th  session (1996), UN Doc A/51/18, annex VIII, p 126, para 2(a). 453  Albanese and Takkenberg, Palestinian Refugees,  358. 454  Article II(c), Apartheid Convention (emphasis added). ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ114The Israeli state’s persistent denial of the right of return of millions of  Palestinians constitutes a root cause of ongoing oppression and is a core  element in its establishment and maintenance of Israel’s apartheid regime  over the Palestinian people as a whole. It maintains the Israeli state’s Zionist  policy of population transfer and demographic manipulation on both sides  of the Green Line and precludes all Palestinians from exercising their  collective right to self-determination. The 2017 ESCWA report concluded  that denial of the right of return of Palestinian refugees and exiles: ensures that the Palestinian population never gains the  demographic weight that would either threaten Israeli military  control of the occupied Palestinian territory, or provide the  demographic leverage within Israel to allow them to insist on full  democratic rights, which would supersede the Jewish character of  the State of Israel. In short, [it] ensures that Palestinians will never  be able to change the system…455 The Palestinian people’s inalienable right to self-determination is  internationally recognised and has been reaffirmed in countless UN General  Assembly resolutions. As advocated for by the UN Special Rapporteur on  Palestine, Francesca Albanese, its realisation requires a decolonisation  praxis and paradigm shift as well as ‘recognition of the absolute illegality of  the settler-colonialism and apartheid’ imposed by the Israeli regime.456 5.4.2   Restricting the Right to Freedom of Movement As this section has highlighted, the Israeli regime has imposed draconian  restrictions on Palestinian residency rights, family life, sovereignty  over natural resources as part of the right to self-determination, while  dispossessing and displacing Palestinians from their land and properties.  Integral to the fragmentation of the Palestinian people are further  restrictions on movement and access varying across ‘domains’ of Israeli  control. Article II(c) of the Apartheid Convention considers denial of ‘the  455  Ibid. , 48. 456  Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories  occupied since 1967, Francesca Albanese, UN Doc A/77/356, 21 September 2022, paras 25 and  68-70. Israel’s Apartheid Legal Regime AL-HAQ115right to freedom of movement and residence’ an inhuman act of the crime  of apartheid. Restrictions on the right to freedom of movement and residence within the  occupied Palestinian territory and inside the Green Line severely impact  Palestinian rights to family life, choice of residence and spouse, adequate  housing, an adequate standard of living for oneself and one’s family, and  ultimately the right to self-determination. Within the occupied Palestinian  territory, Palestinians in the Gaza Strip have been subjected to a cruel  15-year closure and blockade, which isolates them from the rest of the  Palestinian people, denies them their right of return to their villages and  towns of origin, and has detrimentally impacted virtually every aspect of  their life. Palestinians in the Gaza Strip are largely denied the right to travel  to the rest of the occupied Palestinian territory, the rest of historic Palestine,  and abroad, through an Israeli-imposed permit regime. In addition to the  blockade of the Gaza Strip, Palestinian communities across the occupied  Palestinian territory and inside the Green Line are severed from one another  through the Annexation Wall and its associated permit and closure regime,  the denial of family unification, and ongoing Israeli settlement construction  and expansion. Some of the Israeli regime’s measures for Palestinian dispossession  and fragmentation are more visible than others, including the physical  separation of Palestinians between the Gaza Strip, the West Bank,  Jerusalem, inside the Green Line, and in exile. In the occupied Palestinian  territory, the Israeli occupying authorities have established checkpoints,  roadblocks, and other barriers, which severely impact the freedom of  movement of Palestinians, denying them access to essential services,  including healthcare in Jerusalem, Israel, and abroad, and access to places  of worship in Jerusalem, Bethlehem, Nazareth, and elsewhere. In 2004,  the ICJ determined that the Annexation Wall and its associated regime  violate Israel’s obligation to realise the Palestinian people’s right to self- determination.457 Despite this, Israel has not halted its construction of  the Annexation Wall, which remains standing and continues to result in  material discrimination against Palestinians, including the appropriation  457  Wall Opinion, paras 122 and 151. ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ116of Palestinian land for illegal Israeli settlement construction and  expansion.458 At the same time, the Israeli regime has also imposed less visible measures  designed to fragment the Palestinian people and to undermine the exercise  of their inalienable rights, notably through its control of the population  registry on both sides of the Green Line, its implementation of a tiered  and racially discriminatory ID system, its denial of Palestinian family  unification, and its control over who is allowed to enter and exit the  occupied Palestinian territory.459 These restrictions have also resulted in  extreme hardships for foreign national spouses, including Palestinians with  foreign citizenship status, who are married to Palestinians with West Bank,  Gaza Strip, or Jerusalem IDs, including those who live without Israeli-issued  permits, in constant fear of arrest and expulsion.460 Israel’s fragmentation  of the Palestinian people, including denial of Palestinian refugee return  and restrictions on freedom of movement and residence across historic  Palestine, constitute core methods of its apartheid regime.461 458  CERD Report, 4. 459  Al-Haq, Engineering Community: Family Unification, Entry Restrictions and other Israeli Policies of  Fragmenting Palestinians  (February 2019) 4, . 460  Human Rights Council, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the  Palestinian territories occupied since 1967, John Dugard, 29 January 2007, UN Doc A/HRC/4/17,  para 48. 461  This is also the analysis adopted by Falk and Tilley in the ESCWA Report. Israel’s Apartheid Legal Regime AL-HAQ1175.4.3  A Palestinian Bantustan: The Closure and Blockade of the  Gaza Strip The Israeli occupying authorities have imposed a land, sea, and air  blockade, and comprehensive closure of the Gaza Strip as collective  punishment since 2007, detrimentally impacting the entire population of  over two million Palestinians. In November 2021, the Gaza-based Al Mezan  Center for Human Rights published its report titled The Gaza Bantustan:  Israeli Apartheid in the Gaza Strip. The report showed that the Israeli  closure of the Gaza Strip, unprecedented in its duration and severity, has  ‘isolated, segregated, and cut off the two million Palestinians in Gaza,’  approximately 70 per cent of whom are Palestinian refugees from 1948,  from the rest of the occupied Palestinian territory, historic Palestine,  and the world, ‘making it one of the world’s largest “open air prisons”  and a Bantustan.’462 The Israeli occupying forces’ recurring full-scale  military assaults, de-development policies, and 15 years of illegal closure  and blockade ‘have undermined all social, economic, cultural, civil, and  political rights’ of Palestinians living in the Gaza Strip, forcing over two  million Palestinians into ‘profound levels of poverty, aid dependency, food  insecurity, and unemployment, and… [causing] the collapse of essential  public services, including health care and water, sanitation, and hygiene.’463  The former UN Special Rapporteur on Palestine, John Dugard, noted in an  interview with Al Mezan that the Israeli occupying authorities’ policies  targeting Palestinians in the Gaza Strip are far more severe than what was  experienced in South African Bantustans, saying: The Israeli government is determined to impoverish the people  of Gaza rather than to advance their welfare. The Bantustans did  not have to endure military attacks as we have seen in the Gaza  Strip. The restrictions on freedom  of movement imposed on the  Gaza Strip are much more draconian than were experienced in  Bantustans.464 462  Al Mezan Center for Human Rights, The Gaza Bantustan: Israeli Apartheid in the Gaza Strip (2021)  18 . 463  Ibid ., 21 464  Ibid ., 23. ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ118The illegal Israeli blockade and closure regime amount to a prohibited form  of collective punishment465 as recognised by, among others, former UN  Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon466 and the  International Committee of the  Red Cross (ICRC).467 In his July 2020 report, the former Special Rapporteur  on Palestine, Michael Lynk, found that ‘the actions of Israel towards the  protected population of Gaza amount to collective punishment under  international law.’468 The term ‘closure’ denotes the list of Israeli policies  and practices beyond blockade measures that collectively amount to  effective control and, therefore, occupation of the Gaza Strip by the Israeli  occupying authorities. These restrictions and enforcements include Israeli  administrative control over the population registry, telecommunications,  water, sanitation, and fuel. Moreover, the frequent presence of Israeli  occupying forces inside the Gaza Strip to conduct incursions and military  operations shows the Israeli regime’s ability to enter the territory at will.469 The deliberate Israeli policy of separation and fragmentation of the  occupied Palestinian territory and of the Palestinian people ensure that the  Palestinian government remains divided, the Palestinian people are without  effective representation, and that the Israeli regime has more leeway in  colonising historic Palestine. Both physical and political separation are key  to enforcing a scheme that prevents the Palestinian people from exercising  their right to self-determination. Palestinian families are forcibly divided  between the Gaza Strip, the West Bank, including the eastern part of  Jerusalem, as well as inside the Green Line, in exile, and elsewhere abroad.  As a result, Palestinian parents, children, spouses, brothers, and sisters  465  ICRC, Customary IHL, Rule 103: Collective Punishments .  466  UNOCHA OPT, The Humanitarian Impact of the Closure (July 2015) . 467  See, for example, ICRC, News Release 14-06-2010 Geneva/Jerusalem (ICRC) – The hardship faced by  Gaza’s 1.5 million people cannot be addressed by providing humanitarian aid. The only sustainable  solution is to lift the closure: . 468  UN Human Rights Council, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the  Palestinian territories occupied since 1967, 15 July 2020, (A/HRC/44/60), para 60 . 469  According to Al Mezan’s monitoring and documentation, since 2012 the Israeli military has entered  the Gaza Strip 403 times. Israel’s Apartheid Legal Regime AL-HAQ119have been unable to visit each other, let alone live together, for decades  even within the occupied Palestinian territory. Students from the Gaza Strip  are unable to attend universities in the West Bank, including the eastern  part of Jerusalem, where they previously constituted up to 35 per cent  of the mixed student body. They are also frequently denied or delayed  the requisite travel permits to exit for study abroad. Businesspeople and  traders are impeded in conducting their professional activities, even within  the occupied Palestinian territory, as exports are virtually banned470 and  imports are severely restricted or included in the banned ‘dual-use’ goods  or commodities list.471 As a direct result of repressive Israeli policies,  Palestinian familial, cultural, and economic linkages are ruptured both  within the occupied Palestinian territory, inside the Green Line, and abroad. While preventing Palestinian residents of the Gaza Strip from accessing  the rest of the occupied Palestinian territory and historic Palestine, the  Israeli regime also promotes the emigration of Palestinians from Gaza to  other countries, both explicitly472 and implicitly by making the Gaza Strip  unliveable. In 2017, the UN reported that the Gaza Strip would be unable  to properly support human life by 2020.473 Now, in 2022, the Gaza Strip has  clearly been rendered uninhabitable due to the Israeli-imposed closure and  blockade resulting in extreme de-development and economic decline. Additionally, the Israeli occupying authorities enforce a maritime and land  ‘buffer zone,’ also referred to as ‘access restricted area,’ where the Israeli  military enforces its unilaterally imposed movement restrictions within  Palestinian coastal waters and the Gaza side of Israel’s perimeter fence.  Similarly, the Gaza Strip’s agricultural sector has been undermined by  470  Al Mezan, Report on Israel’s Decision to Suspend Gaza Customs Code (2007) . 471  Gisha, List of dual use items:  . 472  Times of Israel, ‘Israel actively pushing Palestinian emigration from Gaza, official says’ (19 August  2019) ; see also  Ynet News, ‘Israel will help Palestinians leave Gaza, if they have  new country to go to’ (20 August 2019) . 473  UN Country Team in the occupied Palestinian territory, Gaza Ten Years Later  (July 2017) . ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ120the closure policy. Over a third of Gaza’s agricultural land, about 27,000  dunams, falls within the 300-metre-wide Israeli-enforced ‘buffer zone’  inside the territory of the Gaza Strip, putting farmers at risk of injury or  death from unlawful live fire. Meanwhile, Gaza’s territorial sea is mostly  closed off to fishermen and is used to secure the main pipeline route to  export gas between Israel and Egypt.474 The blockade and closure regime over the Gaza Strip form part of the Israeli  authorities’ campaign to separate and fragment Palestinian communities  within the occupied Palestinian territory, in historic Palestine, and in exile,  as well as to deny the Palestinian people their right to self-determination.  Al Mezan’s report concluded that the Israeli occupying authorities  have imposed living conditions that are calculated to cause the physical  destruction of the Palestinian people in the Gaza Strip in whole or in part,  in violation of Article II(b) of the Apartheid Convention.475 474  Susan Power, Annexing Energy: Exploiting and Preventing the Development of Oil and Gas in the  Occupied Palestinian Territory (Al-Haq, 2015) . 475  Al Mezan, The Gaza Bantustan, 32-42. Israel’s Policies to Maintain Apartheid AL-HAQ121 6Israel’s Policies to Maintain Apartheid The Israeli settler colonial state’s discriminatory legal foundations establish  the basis for its creation and maintenance of an apartheid regime over the  Palestinian people. This section examines how Israeli apartheid is maintained  through inhuman(e) acts committed against Palestinians, which violate  Palestinians’ fundamental rights and freedoms and work to undermine  Palestinian resistance to Israeli oppression. Among the policies and practices  discussed in this section are excessive use of force, including extrajudicial  executions, arbitrary detention, torture and other ill-treatment, collective  punishment, and the denial of the rights to health and dignity, including  underlying determinants. This section concludes with a discussion of Israeli  measures of persecution and silencing of individuals and organisations  opposing the apartheid regime, including the targeting and criminalisation  of Palestinian civil society organisations. Underpinning all of this is a system  of institutionalised impunity for widespread and systematic human rights  violations committed against the Palestinian people, which enable the  recurrence of grave violations and suspected international crimes.© Al-Haq Images Library ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ1226.1   Arbitrary Deprivation of Life The Apartheid Convention recognises as an inhuman act of apartheid the  ‘[d]enial to a member or members of a racial group or groups the right  to life,’ as well as denying them ‘basic human rights and freedoms.’476  Similarly, the Rome Statute prohibits murder as a crime against humanity  ‘when committed as part of a widespread or systematic attack directed  against any civilian population’477 and codifies wilful killing in the context  of international armed conflict as a war crime ‘when committed as part  of a plan or policy or as part of a large-scale commission of such crimes.’478  Under international human rights law, the right to life is protected as ‘the  supreme right from which no derogation is permitted even in situations of  armed conflict’479 under Article 6(1) of the ICCPR. As of the time of writing, the year 2022 has been the deadliest year for  Palestinians in the occupied West Bank since 2005, according to the UN  Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs.480 Since 1948, Israeli  authorities have systematically resorted to lethal and other excessive force  against Palestinians, targeting Palestinian lives, bodies, and livelihoods  throughout historic Palestine. The denial to Palestinians of their right to  life has been integral to the Zionist settler colonial project and is part and  parcel of its ‘logic of elimination’ of Palestinians. Israel’s widespread and  systematic violation of the right to life of Palestinians has been a pillar of  its establishment and maintenance of an apartheid regime since 1948.  Arbitrary deprivations of Palestinian life serve to create a repressive  environment designed to undermine the exercise by the Palestinian people  of their collective rights. 476  Articles II(a) and II(c), Apartheid Convention. 477  Article 7(1)(a), Rome Statute. 478  Articles 8(1) and 8(2)(a)(i), Rome Statute. 479  Human Rights Committee, General comment No. 36 (2018) on article 6 of the International  Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, on the right to life, 30 October 2018, UN Doc CCPR/C/GC/36,  para 2. 480  UN OCHA, Protection of Civilians Report | 11-24 October 2022  (1 November 2022) ; see also  Huthifa Fayyad, ‘West Bank: October was deadliest  month in ‘deadliest year’ for Palestinians’ (Middle East Eye, 1 November 2022) . Israel’s Policies to Maintain Apartheid AL-HAQ1236.1.1  Massacres and Targeted Assassinations Since the Start of the  Nakba Since 1948, Israel has committed largescale massacres and targeted  assassinations of Palestinians, suppressed Palestinian protests, and  conducted successive largescale military offensives against Palestinians  in the Gaza Strip, the latest of which was in August 2022.481 These policies  have led to arbitrary deprivation of Palestinian life, including as a result  of excessive use of force, an ongoing shoot-to-kill policy by the Israeli  occupying forces, and the fostering of lawlessness and organised crime  within Palestinian communities inside the Green Line. Extrajudicial  killings are perpetuated by a system of impunity, which shields Israeli  perpetrators from accountability.482 During the Nakba of 1948, it is estimated that some 15,000 Palestinians  were killed by Zionist militias483 who committed at least 31 massacres  against Palestinians.484 These included the massacre of over a hundred  Palestinians in Deir Yassin in the Jerusalem district on 9 April 1948 in an  effort to ‘break Arab morale’ and ‘create panic throughout Palestine.’485  On 15 May 1948, Zionist militias massacred 200 Palestinians in Tantura  in the Haifa district, and on 29 October 1948, Israeli soldiers entered the  village of Dawayma in the Hebron district, killing up to 300 Palestinians.486  In the immediate aftermath of the Nakba, Israeli authorities imposed  military rule on some 150,000 Palestinians inside the Green Line,  including internally displaced Palestinians, with the aim of preventing  481  UN OCHA, Escalation in the Gaza Strip and Israel | Flash Update #2 as of 18:00, 8 August  2022 (8 August 2022) . 482  See, for example, Al-Haq, Impunity for Extrajudicial Killing: Israeli Soldier and Killer of Abdel  Fattah Al-Sharif Released after Mere 9 Months in Prison (11 May 2018) . 483  See, for example, Al Jazeera, ‘The Nakba did not start or end in 1948’ (23 May 2017) . 484  Pappé, The ethnic cleansing of Palestine, 258; see also  BADIL, ‘Massacres and the Nakba’ (2000)  7 al-Majdal . 485  BADIL, ‘Massacres and the Nakba’ (Autumn 2000) 7 al-Majdal. 486  Ibid . ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ124Palestinian refugees’ return.487 According to BADIL, between 1948 and  1956, ‘Israeli forces killed some 5,000 Palestinian refugees trying to return  to their homes inside Israel.’488 These massacres continued throughout  the decades that followed, with 49 Palestinians killed by Israeli border  police during the Kufr Qassim massacre on 29 October 1956, many of  them returning from their fields unaware that a curfew had been imposed  on the village earlier that day.489 Thereafter, Ilan Pappé writes, ‘there was  Qibya in the 1950s, Samoa in the 1960s, the villages of the Galilee in  1976, Sabra and Shatila in 1982, Kfar Qana in 1999, Wadi Ara in 2000 and  the Jenin Refugee Camp in 2002,’ concluding that: ‘[t]here has never been  an end to Israel’s killing of Palestinians.’490 Over the decades, the Israeli regime further adopted a policy of political  assassinations targeting Palestinian resistance within and outside of  Palestine in an effort to ‘erode the Palestinian leadership’ and with the  effect of undermining the exercise by the Palestinian people of their  right to self-determination.491 As scholars observed, ‘Israel has gained  notoriety for its willingness to resort to assassination,’ including of key  Palestinian armed resistance figures.492 Carried out since 1948, targeted  killings have been approved by the Israeli establishment at the highest  political and military levels.493 487  BADIL, ‘From the 1948 Nakba to the 1967 Naksa’ Occasional Bulletin No. 18 (June 2004) 1 . 488  Ibid . 489  Adel Manna, ‘The Massacre of Kufr Qassem’ in Nadim N Rouhana and Areej Sabbagh-Khoury  (eds), The Palestinians in Israel: Readings in History, Politics and Society (Mada al-Carmel, 2011)  74, 75; see also Ofer Aderet, ‘60 Years After Massacre, Kafr Qasem Doesn’t Want an Apology from  the Israeli Government’ (Haaretz, 28 October 2016) . 490  Pappé, The ethnic cleansing of Palestine, 258. 491  Nir Gazit and Robert J Brym, ‘State-directed political assassination in Israel: a political hypothesis’  (2011) 26(6) International Sociology 862, 872. 492  Thomas Ward, ‘Norms and Security: The Case of International Assassination’ (2000) 25  International Security 105, 114; see also  Patty Nieberg and Fares Akram, ‘A look at Israel’s  targeted killings of militant leaders’ (AP News, 12 November 2019) ; see also  Al-Haq, Al-Haq condemns practice of  “targeted killings” in Gaza, calls for an immediate investigation into deaths of Gazan civilians,  including children (16 November 2019) . 493  Al-Haq, Wilful Killing: The Assassination of Palestinians in the Occupied Palestinian Territories by the  Israeli Security Forces (Al-Haq Briefing Paper, 2001) 21 ; Steven R David, ‘Fatal choices: Israel’s policy of targeted killing’ Mideast Security and Policy  Studies No 51 (Begin-Sadat Center for Strategic Studies, 2002) 1, 3-4; see also Leila Shahid, ‘The  Sabra and Shatila Massacres: Eye-Witness Reports’ (2002) 32(1) Journal of Palestine Studies  36. Israel’s Policies to Maintain Apartheid AL-HAQ1256.1.2  Suppression of Palestinian Demonstrations The Apartheid Convention considers as inhuman acts of apartheid the  denial of the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and association  as well as denying the rights to freedom of opinion and expression.494  Since the Nakba, the Israeli regime has deployed excessive use of force,  including lethal force, against Palestinians, notably in the suppression of  peaceful assemblies demanding the realisation of Palestinians’ inalienable  rights. On Yawm al-Ard (or Land Day) on 30 March 1976, Palestinian  citizens inside the Green Line organised a general strike in protest of the  Israeli government’s approval of a plan to expropriate 21,000 dunams of  Palestinian land in the Galilee and the Triangle areas.495 The Yawm al- Ard demonstrations, now commemorated annually in Palestine and by  Palestinians in exile, were violently suppressed by the Israeli police at the  time, who killed six Palestinian citizens, injured 50 others, and arrested  300 Palestinians protesting the plan to illegally confiscate their lands.496  Such repression is illustrative of how Israeli apartheid policies are aimed  at furthering Zionist colonisation. The Israeli occupying authorities’ suppression of Palestinian protests was  also a prominent feature of the First Intifada, which began on 9 December  1987, born out of ‘twenty years of a regime designed to suppress,  humiliate, and perpetually disenfranchise Palestinians’ and the Israeli  regime’s continued efforts to eliminate the Palestinian national movement  in exile.497 During the First Intifada, the Israeli occupying forces pursued  an assassination policy against Palestinian activists.498 Israeli repression of  the Palestinian Intifada and mass extrajudicial executions of Palestinians, as  Edward Said put it, were ‘part of an orchestrated campaign to exterminate  Palestinians as a political presence in Palestine.’499 Between 1988 and 1993,  Israeli forces killed over 1,200 Palestinians, including 200 youth under the  494  Article II(c), Apartheid Convention. 495  Khalil Nakhleh, ‘Yawm al-Ard (Land Day)’ in Nadim N Rouhana and Areej Sabbagh-Khoury (eds),  The Palestinians in Israel: Readings in History, Politics and Society (Mada al-Carmel, 2011) 83, 84. 496  Ibid . 497  Edward Said, ‘Intifada and Independence’ (1989) 22 Social Text 23, 23 and 28. 498  Al-Haq, Wilful Killing , 7. 499  Said, ‘Intifada and Independence’ 29. ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ126age of 16.500 According to Al-Haq’s documentation in the 1980s, the Israeli  occupying forces ‘opened fire directly at people.’ Such incidents were  determined to be ‘not isolated,’ illustrating ‘consistent illegality by Israeli  army personnel in their use of force in response to demonstrations.’501 The suppression of Palestinian protests continued during the Second  Intifada, with an open Israeli acknowledgement of its policy of targeted  killings of Palestinians,502 aimed at suppressing the Intifada and thus  denying the exercise by Palestinians of their collective rights.503 At the time,  Al-Haq found that ‘[t]he decision to kill is seemingly taken by a cabal of  intelligence officials and senior military and political figures who effectively  act as judge, jury and executioner, which is completely at odds with due  process procedures.’504 In October 2000, Israeli police killed 13 unarmed  Palestinians, including 12 Palestinian citizens and one resident of the Gaza  Strip, during protests against Israeli oppression.505 An Israeli inquiry into  these killings, the Or Commission, found that there was no justification for  the use of live fire by the Israeli police. Yet, 22 years on, not a single Israeli  officer or official has been held accountable, a testament to Israeli impunity  for the arbitrary deprivation of Palestinian life.506 Israel’s policy of excessive use of force against Palestinians remains ongoing,  as evidenced by the Israeli occupying forces’ systematic suppression of the  Great March of Return demonstrations in the Gaza Strip in 2018–2019. The  demonstrations called for the realisation of the right of return of Palestinian  refugees and an end to the illegal closure and blockade of the Gaza Strip.  500  Rami Nasrallah, ‘The first and second Palestinian intifadas’ in Joel Peters and David Newman (eds),  The Routledge Handbook on the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict  (Routledge, 2013) 56, 60. 501  Al-Haq, Punishing a Nation: Human Rights Violations During the Palestinian Uprising, December  1987-1988  (Al-Haq, 1988) 17-18 . 502  Nir Gazit and Robert J Brym, ‘State-directed political assassination in Israel: a political hypothesis’  (2011) 26(6) International Sociology 862, 862-863; see also  Al-Haq, Wilful Killing, 6. 503  Nizar Ayoub, The Israeli High Court of Justice and the Palestinian Intifada: a stamp of approval  for Israeli violations in the Occupied Territories (Al-Haq, 2004) 46 . 504  Al-Haq, Wilful Killing , 6. 505  Adalah, The October 2000 Killings (11 August 2020) . 506  Ibid . Israel’s Policies to Maintain Apartheid AL-HAQ127During over 80 weeks of protests, the Israeli occupying forces killed 217  Palestinians during the demonstrations, including 48 children, nine persons  with disabilities, four paramedics, and two journalists.507 Additionally, 9,517  were injured by live ammunition.508 According to the Palestinian Centre for  Human Rights (PCHR), 207 Palestinians suffered permanent disability as a  result of their injuries, including 149 who required amputation.509 Statistics  compiled by Al Mezan found that ‘upper-body gunshot wounds [were] the  leading cause of death,’ constituting 89 per cent of killings during the Great  March of Return.510 Additionally, statements by Israeli officials confirmed  that the use of live fire by Israeli snipers was deliberate and planned511 and  that clear orders were given to Israeli snipers to shoot-to-kill Palestinians,  including children, during the demonstrations.512 The UN Commission of  Inquiry on the demonstrations ‘found reasonable grounds to believe that  Israeli snipers shot at journalists, health workers, children and persons  with disabilities, knowing they were clearly recognizable as such’513 and  urged the Israeli occupying forces to bring their rules of engagement for  the use of live fire in line with international human rights law.514 These  recommendations remain unimplemented.515 507  Al Mezan, Attacks on Unarmed Protesters at the “Great March of Return” Demonstrations: A Two- Year Report from the Start of Demonstrations on 30 March 2018  (2020) 7 . 508  Ibid ., 9. 509  PCHR, 2nd Anniversary of the Great March of Return: Impunity Continues to Prevail (30 March  2020)  . 510  Al Mezan, Attacks on Unarmed Protesters , 8. 511  Al-Haq, Planning to Kill: Israel’s Public and Stated Plans to Commit War Crimes (11 June 2018)  . 512  Ali Abunimah, ‘Snipers ordered to shoot children, Israeli general confirms’ (The Electronic Intifada,  22 April 2018) . 513  UN OHCHR, No Justification for Israel to Shoot Protesters with Live Ammunition (28 February 2019)  . 514  Human Rights Council, Report of the detailed findings of the independent international Commission  of inquiry on the protests in the Occupied Palestinian Territory,18 March 2019, UN Doc A/HRC/40/ CRP .2, para 793, p 226. 515  UN Human Rights Council, Report of the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the  Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, and Israel, UN Doc A/HRC/50/21, 9 May  2022, p 1. ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ1286.1.3  Successive Israeli Military Offensives Over the Gaza Strip Over the past 15 years, the Israeli occupying forces have carried out six  large-scale military offensives against Palestinians in the besieged Gaza  Strip in 2006, 2008–2009, 2012, 2014, 2021, and 2022. On 27 December  2008, the Israeli occupying authorities launched a 22-day military  offensive against the Gaza Strip code-named ‘Operation Cast Lead’ that  involved massive aerial bombardments and a ground invasion that began  on 3 January 2009.516 During ‘Operation Cast Lead,’ 1,172 Palestinian  civilians including 342 children were killed.517 Al-Haq and Al Mezan found  ‘a glaring disregard for civilian life, both in the orders received and the  practices carried out by the invading [Israeli] troops.’518 The Palestinians  human rights organisations concluded that ‘[p]rima facie evidence exists  of the commission of war crimes amounting to grave breaches of the  Geneva Conventions, most notably wilful killing of civilians’.519  Between 8 and 21 November 2012, the Israeli occupying forces launched  ‘Operation Pillar of Defence’ against the Gaza Strip, firing indiscriminate  and disproportionate airstrikes against Palestinians; 173 Palestinians  were killed, of whom 113 were civilians, including 38 children.520 Video  testimonies collected by Al-Haq highlighted massive devastation and loss of  Palestinian life.521 Between 8 July and 26 August 2014, the Israeli occupying  forces launched ‘Operation Protective Edge’ against Palestinians in the  Gaza Strip, in which 2,215 Palestinians were killed, including 1,639 civilians,  516  Al-Haq, ‘ Operation Cast Lead’: A Statistical Analysis (August 2009) . 517  Ibid ., 3. 518  Ibid . 519  Ibid., 15.; see also Human Rights Council, Report of the United Nations Fact-Finding Mission on the  Gaza Conflict, 25 September 2009, UN Doc A/HRC/12/48, para 1938. 520  Al-Haq, Questions & Answers: Al-Haq’s Legal Analysis on the Escalation of Attacks in the Gaza  Strip between 8 and 21 November 2012  (27 November 2012) 2 . 521  Al-Haq, Voices from Gaza: enduring devastation (17 December 2012) . Israel’s Policies to Maintain Apartheid AL-HAQ129of whom 556 were children.522 The UN Commission of Inquiry on the 2014  Gaza conflict noted that ‘[t]he death toll alone speaks volumes… all the  more so in the many cases in which several family members died together.’523  The Israeli occupying forces’ practice of killing entire Palestinian families  resumed during the Israeli military assault on the Gaza Strip in May 2021.524  Between 10–21 May 2021, 240 Palestinians were killed by the Israeli  occupying forces in the Gaza Strip, comprising 151 civilians, including 59  children.525 Most were killed in or near their homes.526 Between 5 and 7  August 2022, 33 Palestinians, including 17 civilians, were killed by the Israeli  occupying forces in a further Israeli military escalation.527 In its October  2022 report on the escalation, Amnesty International concluded that the  Israeli regime: has benefited from impunity for the apparent war crimes  and crimes against humanity it committed during the [Gaza]  offensives, the deadly repression of protests against the blockade,  the blockade itself… and Israel’s overall cruel and institutionalized  regime of domination and oppression against the entirety of the  Palestinian people, which amounts to the crime of apartheid.528 522  Susan Power and Nada Kiswanson van Hooydonk, Divide and Conquer: A Legal Analysis of Israel’s  2014 Military Offensive against the Gaza Strip (Al-Haq, 2015) 7 and 28, . 523  Human Rights Council, Report of the detailed findings of the independent commission of inquiry  established pursuant to Human Rights Council resolution S-21/1, 24 June 2015, UN Doc A/HRC/29/ CRP .4, para 574. 524  See Daniel Estrin, ‘22 Members of One Family Killed in Gaza’ (NPR , 23 May 2021) . 525  Al-Haq, Al Mezan, and PCHR, Assault on Gaza in Numbers: A Statistical Report of Civilian Casualties  and Damage to Private and Public Properties by Israeli Occupation Forces During Israel’s Full-scale  Military Operation on the Gaza Strip Between 10–21 May 2021 (January 2022) 13-14 . 526  Ibid . 527  Amnesty International, ‘They Were Just Kids’: Evidence of War Crimes During Israel’s August 2022  Gaza Offensive (Research Briefing, 25 October 2022) 3  . 528  Ibid. , 6. ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ1306.1.4  A Shoot-to-Kill Policy Targeting Palestinians In September 2015, the Israeli security cabinet relaxed measures for the  use of live fire,529 authorising the use of live ammunition by the Israeli police  against Palestinians not only when their lives are at risk, but also should  they determine ‘an immediate and concrete danger to police or civilians.’  Since then, an increase in killings and injuries of Palestinians by Israeli fire  has been documented by Palestinian human rights organisations. Between  1 October 2015 and 30 September 2019, Al-Haq documented the killing  of 704 Palestinians, including 184 children in the occupied Palestinian  territory, as a result of what has been identified as the Israeli occupying  forces’ systematic ‘shoot-to-kill’ policy against Palestinians.530 These killings  have taken place in various contexts, including Israeli military raids and  arrest and detention operations across Palestinian villages, towns, and  refugee camps in the occupied West Bank, including the eastern part of  Jerusalem, as well as in the targeting of Palestinian peaceful assemblies  across historic Palestine, and other recurrent Israeli attacks. In January 2017, the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights  (OHCHR) found that the Israeli occupying forces ‘often use firearms against  Palestinians on mere suspicion or as a precautionary measure, in violation  of international standards.’531 Israeli officials have also encouraged use of  force by Israeli settlers against Palestinians with impunity.532 Al-Haq found  in 2013 that: 529  See, for example, Peter Beaumont, ‘Israel relaxes live-fire rules against Palestinian stone-throwers’  (The Guardian , 25 September 2015) . 530  See, e.g., the analysis contained in Al-Haq, ‘83 Organisations Send Urgent Appeal to UN Special  Procedures on the Wilful Killing of Ahmad Erekat, Urging International Justice and Accountability  for Israel’s Shoot-to-Kill Policy’ (14 July 2020) . 531  UN General Assembly, Implementation of Human Rights Council resolutions S-9/1 and S-12/1,  Report of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, 25 January 2017, UN Doc A/HRC/34/36,  para 11 (emphasis added); see also  Al-Haq, ‘83 Organisations Send Urgent Appeal to UN Special  Procedures on the Wilful Killing of Ahmad Erekat, Urging International Justice and Accountability  for Israel’s Shoot-to-Kill Policy’ (14 July 2020) 6 . 532  See, notably, Valentina Azarov, Institutionalised Impunity: Israel’s Failure to Combat Settler Violence  in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (Al-Haq, 2013) . Israel’s Policies to Maintain Apartheid AL-HAQ131Israel’s… systematic lack of law enforcement against [Israeli]  settlers as well as the failure to investigate such incidents have  led to the creation of a culture of impunity and contributed to an  increase in the frequency and severity of such attacks.533 In 2022, in a context of ongoing escalations of widespread and systematic  attacks against Palestinians, notably in the occupied West Bank, Al-Haq  documented ‘a sharp spike in settler attacks, and collective punishment’  by the Israeli occupying forces, including military incursions, excessive use  of force, and extrajudicial killings.534 Settler violence has included raids on  towns supported by the Israeli occupying forces, attacks against Palestinians  and their properties, and disruption of the Palestinian olive harvest, a  longstanding practice throughout Israel’s military occupation.535 In March 2019, the UN Commission of Inquiry on the Great March of Return  found reasonable grounds to believe that during the demonstrations,  the Israeli occupying forces ‘killed and gravely injured civilians who were  neither participating directly in hostilities nor posing an imminent threat to  life.’536 Inside the Green Line, Adalah has called for ‘an end to Israeli police  killings of Palestinian citizens, and to the state culture of impunity’537 adding  that this ‘impunity also has a collective aspect, as it leaves all Palestinian  Arab citizens… vulnerable to state violence and encourages the recurrence  of grave human rights violations against them.’538 Yet, institutionalised  533  Ibid ., 6. 534  Al-Haq, Al-Haq Urges Third States to Take Concrete Actions to Halt Israel’s Grave Escalation of  Military Raids, Killings, Settler Violence and Collective Punishment in the West Bank (19 October  2022) . 535  See, for example, Al-Haq, Israeli Settlers Attack and Destroy Palestinian Olive Trees (10 October  2013) ; Al-Haq, The Olive Harvest  Season Disrupted by Settler Violence and Israeli Restrictions Imposed on Palestinian Farmers (7  November 2014) ; B’Tselem,  West Bank olive harvest, 2021: Settlers attack farmers, steal olives and damage trees with full state  backing (25 January 2022) . 536  Human Rights Council, Report of the detailed findings of the independent international Commission  of inquiry on the protests in the Occupied Palestinian Territory,18 March 2019, UN Doc A/HRC/40/ CRP .2. 537  Adalah, Adalah: Israel’s perception of Palestinian citizens as ‘enemy’ continues to grant blanket  impunity to police for killings (1 October 2020) . 538  Ibid . ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ132impunity prevails for excessive use of force against Palestinians on both  sides of the Green Line, and for acts of settler violence.539 The continued  systematic arbitrary deprivation of Palestinian life with impunity led 83  Palestinian, regional, and international civil society organisations in July  2020 to call for international justice and accountability for Israel’s shoot-to- kill policy targeting the Palestinian people.540 This policy remains ongoing, and on 11 May 2022, the Israeli occupying  forces killed Shireen Abu Akleh, 51, renowned Al Jazeera journalist, while  she was reporting on an Israeli military raid on Jenin refugee camp. Shireen  and fellow journalists wore clearly marked ‘PRESS’ vests when Israeli  occupying forces shot live fire directly at them and fatally shot Shireen in  the head. Al-Haq found that Shireen’s targeting amounts to: wilful killing, a grave breach of the Fourth Geneva Convention and a  war crime under the Rome Statute, and contributes to commission  of the crime against humanity of murder, considering the [Israeli  occupying forces’] widespread and systematic shoot-to-kill policy  and excessive use of force on both sides of the Green Line.541 The Coalition understands Israel’s resort to lethal and other excessive force  against the Palestinian people since the start of the Nakba as part of a  widespread and systematic attack directed against the Palestinian civilian  population, satisfying the chapeau elements of crimes against humanity  under the Rome Statute.542 Arbitrary deprivation of Palestinian life and  violations of Palestinians’ right to freedom of peaceful assembly543 have  been used to impose and continuously maintain apartheid over Palestinians,  aimed at preventing them from challenging the regime. 539  Azarov, Institutionalised Impunity . 540  Al-Haq, 83 Organisations Send Urgent Appeal to UN Special Procedures on the Wilful Killing of  Ahmad Erekat, Urging International Justice and Accountability for Israel’s Shoot-to-Kill Policy (14  July 2020) . 541  Al-Haq, Legal Brief on the Extrajudicial Killing of Shireen Abu Aqleh (3 November 2022) para 16  . 542  Article 7(1), Rome Statute. 543  Articles 6(1) and 21, ICCPR. Israel’s Policies to Maintain Apartheid AL-HAQ1336.1.5  Lawlessness in Palestinian Communities inside the Green Line In contrast to Israeli authorities’ excessive policing of Palestinian  demonstrations, incidents of crime and homicide in Palestinian  communities within the Green Line remain largely neglected.544 Fuelled by  Israeli policy allowing the spread of firearms and a deliberate failure to hold  perpetrators accountable when the victims are Palestinian, between 2000  and 2020, 1,466 Palestinian citizens are reported to have been killed from  gun violence.545 According to the Palestinian youth association Baladna,  85 homicides of Palestinians were recorded in 2019,546 and in 2018, ‘the  homicide rate was effectively eight times higher in the Arab Palestinian  society than it was in the Jewish Israeli sector.’547 Overall, between 2011  and 2019, Baladna found that the rate of homicides in Palestinian towns  within the Green Line multiplied by 1.5.548 Baladna also found that 74.3  per cent of homicides targeting Palestinians between 2011 and 2019 were  carried out by perpetrators using firearms.549 For its part, the Israeli police has not only shown indifference to organised  crime within Palestinian communities, but has even actively encouraged  Palestinian crime organisations as part of a policy to weaken Palestinian  society.550 Notably, the policy ensures that Palestinians are kept busy  ‘trying to survive’ while distancing them from central issues, including  the Israeli occupation, and the denial of Palestinians’ collective rights. It  544  Nisreen Salameh Shahbari, ‘The Arab public wants better policing — and Israeli police don’t care’  (+972 Magazine , 26 August 2018)  . 545  Shahrazad Odeh, ‘How crime became a cover for Israel to tighten control of Palestinian citizens’  (+972 Magazine , 4 December 2020)  . 546  Baladna and Centre for Trust, Peace and Social Relations, Coventry University, UK, Nine Years of  Bloodshed: A Statistical Report on Homicide Cases among Arab Palestinians in Israel (2011-2019)   (June 2020) 6 . 547  Ibid . 548  Odeh, ‘How crime became a cover’; see also Baladna and Centre for Trust, Peace and Social  Relations, Coventry University, UK, Nine Years of Bloodshed ; Suha Arraf, ‘How organized crime took  over Israel’s Palestinian communities’ (+972 Magazine , 20 January 2020)  . 549  Baladna and Centre for Trust, Peace and Social Relations, Coventry University, UK, Nine Years of  Bloodshed , 12. 550  Arraf, ‘How organized crime took over.’ ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ134aims to sever Palestinians’ connection to the land and is indirectly geared  toward pushing Palestinians to leave the country.551 Meanwhile, at least  70 per cent of firearms in Palestinian communities within the Green  Line come from the Israeli military and police.552 In stark contrast, Israeli  authorities mobilise full resources to locate and prosecute perpetrators  of attacks against Jewish Israelis and to seize their weapons.553 Following October 2000, no Israeli officers were indicted for the killings  of Palestinians. Instead, in an effort to prevent political mobilisation by  Palestinian citizens, Israeli authorities fostered a climate of lawlessness  and organised crime within Palestinian communities.554 In turn, Israeli  authorities refuse to address the structural conditions that fuel violence  within Palestinian communities, including poverty, high unemployment,  the inability to expand due to denial of building permits, and the lack of  land to build on due to systematic confiscation of Palestinian land and  dispossession.555 The UN Human Rights Committee has understood that  ‘[d]eprivation of life involves an intentional or otherwise foreseeable and  preventable life-terminating harm or injury, caused by an act or omission.’556  Accordingly, Israeli policy not to investigate and prevent the killings of  Palestinians constitutes another aspect of its systematic disregard for  Palestinian life, amounting to an inhuman(e) act of apartheid. 551  Henriette Chacar, ‘Protests against gun violence trigger a political awakening for Palestinians in  Israel’ (+972 Magazine, 23 October 2019)  . 552  Arraf, ‘How organized crime took over’; Judith Sudilovsky, ‘‘No one cares’: Palestinian citizens decry  Israeli inaction on gun violence’ (+972 Magazine , 29 September 2020)  . 553  Charlie Hoyle, ‘A deadly gun violence epidemic has gripped Palestinian communities. Is Israeli  police neglect to blame?’ (The New Arab, 18 October 2019) .  554  Odeh, ‘How crime became a cover.’ 555  Sudilovsky, ‘No one cares.’ 556  UN Human Rights Committee, General comment No. 36 (2018) on article 6 of the International  Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, on the right to life, UN Doc CCPR/C/GC/36, 30 October 2018,  para 6. Israel’s Policies to Maintain Apartheid AL-HAQ1356.2 Denying Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights: The Example  of the Right to Health The Apartheid Convention prohibits any measures ‘calculated to prevent a  racial group or groups from participation in the political, social, economic  and cultural life of the country,’ including preventing the full development  of a group by denying them basic human rights and freedoms.557 Article II(c)  of the Convention lists both violations of civil and political rights as well  as violations of economic, social, and cultural rights. Notably, the word  ‘including’ in Article II(c) makes clear that the provision does not provide an  exhaustive list of human rights violations, which may amount to inhuman  acts of apartheid. Thus, the Apartheid Convention potentially encompasses  the denial of the full spectrum of human rights and fundamental freedoms  as inhuman acts of apartheid, including the failure to ensure the full  realisation of economic, social, and cultural rights.558 Article 7(1)(k) of the  Rome Statute, in turn, codifies ‘[o]ther inhumane acts of a similar character  intentionally causing great suffering, or serious injury to body or to mental  or physical health’ as a crime against humanity and as inhumane acts of  apartheid within the meaning of Article 7(2)(h). This part examines Israeli violations of the right to health to illustrate  measures taken to prevent the full realisation of Palestinians’ economic,  social, and cultural rights. Indeed, under international human rights law, the  right to health is recognised as encompassing the underlying determinants  of health and well-being, such as the rights to adequate ‘food and nutrition,  housing, access to safe and potable water and adequate sanitation, safe and  healthy working conditions, and a healthy environment.’559 Examination of  the Israeli regime’s violations of the right to health of Palestinians allows  for consideration of structural violence560 as it impacts the lives, health, and  livelihoods of Palestinians, including socio-political factors precluding their  full enjoyment in the context of apartheid. 557  Article II(c), Apartheid Convention. 558  Article 2(1), ICESCR. 559  CESCR, General Comment No 14 (2000): The right to the highest attainable standard of health  (Article 12 of the ICESCR), UN Doc E/C.12/2000/4, 11 August 2000, para 4. 560  David Mills et al , ‘Structural violence in the era of a new pandemic: the case of the Gaza  Strip’ (The Lancet, 27 March 2020), . ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ1366.2.1  The Right to the Highest Attainable Standard of Health ICERD prohibits racial discrimination in the enjoyment of ‘[t]he right to  public health, medical care, social security and social services.’561 The  ICESCR further proscribes racial discrimination562 in ‘the right of everyone  to the enjoyment of the highest attainable standard of physical and mental  health.’563 This requires Israel, as a state party,564 to adopt measures  aimed at reducing the stillbirth rate and infant mortality, provide for the  healthy development of the child,565 improve ‘environmental and industrial  hygiene,’566 prevent, treat, and control epidemic and other diseases,567 and  create conditions ‘which would assure to all medical service and medical  attention in the event of sickness.’568 While Israel has obligations to respect, protect, and fulfil the right to health  of Palestinians on both sides of the Green Line,569 including under its military  occupation,570 the health status and health access of Palestinians differs  significantly based on the rights accorded to them by the Israeli regime.  Indeed, Palestinians on both sides of the Green Line experience health  inequities resulting from discriminatory Israeli policies and practices in the  provision of and access to healthcare. In 2019, CERD expressed concern  ‘[a]bout the disproportionately poor health status of the Palestinian and  Bedouin populations, including shorter life expectancy and higher rates  of infant mortality compared to those of the Jewish population.’571 The  Committee went on to recommend that Israel, as state party, ‘[t]ake  561  Article 5(e)(iv), ICERD. 562  CESCR, General Comment No. 14 (2000) on Article 12, The right to the highest attainable standard  of health, 11 August 2000, UN Doc E/C.12/2000/4, para 18. 563  Article 12(1), ICESCR. 564  Israel ratified the ICESCR on 3 October 1991, which entered into effect for it on 3 January 1992. 565  Article 12(2)(a), ICESCR. 566  Article 12(2)(b), ICESCR. 567  Article 12(2)(c), ICESCR. 568  Article 12(2)(d), ICESCR. 569  CESCR, Concluding observations on the fourth periodic report of Israel, 12 November 2019, UN Doc  E/C.12/ISR/CO/4, paras 8-9. 570  Article 56, Fourth Geneva Convention. 571  CERD, Concluding observations on the combined seventeenth to nineteenth reports of Israel, 12  December 2019, UN Doc CERD/C/ISR/CO/17-19, para 38(c). Israel’s Policies to Maintain Apartheid AL-HAQ137concrete measures to improve the health status of the Palestinian and  Bedouin populations.’572 CERD was particularly concerned about the dire  health situation in the occupied Gaza Strip. The Committee considered  that ‘the blockade continues to violate the right to freedom of movement,  access to basic services, especially to health care, and impedes the ability  to access safe drinking water.’573 6.2.2 Health Apartheid: Israel’s Discriminatory Response to the  Covid-19 Pandemic Israeli authorities systematically violate the right of Palestinians to  health and accord various degrees of rights and privileges to Palestinians  under its effective control. Such violations range from its discriminatory  response to the ongoing Covid-19 pandemic, to the de-development and  neglect of the Palestinian healthcare system in the occupied Palestinian  territory, including in the eastern part of Jerusalem, the denial of access to  healthcare particularly impacting Palestinians in the Gaza Strip, excessive  use of force against Palestinians, including attacks on healthcare workers  and facilities, and the denial of underlying determinants of Palestinian  health under conditions of structural violence.574 The Covid-19 pandemic  exposed and further exacerbated these stark health inequities,575 which  form part of Israel’s apartheid regime.576 In March 2020, when the Covid-19 outbreak began, Israeli authorities  initially failed to provide real-time updates and public health information  in Arabic for Palestinian citizens and Jerusalem residents. Virtually all  572  Ibid. , para 39(c). 573  Ibid. , para 44. 574  See, for example, Osama Tanous, ‘A New Episode of Erasure in the Settler Colony’ (Critical Times, 9  April 2020)  . 575  See, for example, Al-Haq ‘Human rights organisations welcome Concluding Observations of the UN  Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination on racial segregation and apartheid on both  sides of the Green Line’ (21 December 2019) . 576  See Al-Haq, COVID-19 and the Right to Health of Palestinians under Israeli Occupation, Colonisation,  and Apartheid (8 December 2020) ; see also   Ramzy Baroud, ‘Covid-19 under Apartheid: How Israel manipulates suffering of Palestinians’  (Middle East Monitor, 12 January 2021)  .  ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ138information issued by the Israeli Ministry of Health at the time was in  Hebrew, creating barriers in access to essential information about the  pandemic’s spread.577 In the weeks that followed, Israeli authorities  failed to release accurate real-time data on the spread of Covid-19 within  Palestinian communities inside the Green Line, who were absent(ed) from  Israeli Ministry of Health maps.578 The Israeli occupying authorities also  failed to disaggregate data for infections in the eastern part of Jerusalem,579  where the gap left in official data reporting required the establishment of  an ad hoc Palestinian civil society alliance.580 Overall, tracking Covid-19  infections among Palestinians was largely undermined by Israel’s policy of  political and legal fragmentation.581 Israeli authorities also initially showed reluctance to open drive- through testing centres in Palestinian communities. Within the Green  Line, Palestinian villages and towns, which already suffer from poor  infrastructure, faced delays in the opening of testing facilities, even  while Israeli authorities established testing centres for the Jewish Israeli  population.582 At the time, the authorities also failed to allocate resources  577  See Adalah, Israel fails to provide real-time coronavirus updates in Arabic for Palestinian citizens  (10 March 2020) ; see also  OHCHR, COVID-19:  Israel has ‘legal duty’ to ensure that Palestinians in OPT receive essential health services –  UN expert (19 March 2020) . 578  Osama Tanous wrote at the time, for example, ‘The following maps taken from the website of  the Israeli Ministry of Health show confirmed cases of COVID-19. Palestinian towns are almost  completely absent from these maps with zero confirmed cases’; see Osama Tanous, ‘A New Episode  of Erasure in the Settler Colony.’ 579  Al-Haq, JLAC, and MAP UK, COVID-19 and the Systematic Neglect of Palestinians in East Jerusalem  (14 July 2020) 7-8 . 580  Ibid., 6; see also  Daoud Kuttab, ‘Jerusalem alliance fills gap in coronavirus awareness’ (Al-Monitor,  18 March 2020) . 581  Al-Haq, COVID-19 and the Right to Health, 4-5; see also  Rania Muhareb and Rita Giacaman, ‘Tracking  COVID-19 responsibly’ (The Lancet, 27 March 2020) ; Ali Abunimah, ‘Johns Hopkins COVID-19 map faulted  for erasing Palestinians’ (The Electronic Intifada, 27 March 2020) . 582  Nihaya Daoud, ‘The Reluctance to Test Israeli Arabs for COVID-19 Is a Ticking Time-bomb’ (31 March  2020) . Israel’s Policies to Maintain Apartheid AL-HAQ139for Covid-19 testing and emergency medical services for unrecognised  Palestinian villages in the Naqab.583 Similarly, there were delays in  establishing Covid-19 testing centres in the eastern part of Jerusalem,  which hampered preparedness efforts by an already over-burdened and  under-resourced Palestinian hospital network.584 Only about a month into  the outbreak were testing centres finally opened by Israeli authorities in  Palestinian communities inside the Green Line and in the eastern part of  Jerusalem, demonstrating grave negligent conduct vis-à-vis Palestinians’  health during the pandemic.585 As the pandemic continued to spread, the Israeli occupying authorities  further undermined the health and dignity of Palestinian workers from the  occupied Palestinian territory by continuing to exploit their labour under  precarious conditions during lockdown.586 Israeli occupying authorities  failed to test and treat Palestinian workers prior to their return to the  occupied Palestinian territory, while Palestinian workers who displayed  symptoms were denied treatment in Israeli clinics.587 This led to the  stigmatisation and dehumanisation of Palestinian workers and their  families, who made up most of the Covid-19 infections in the West Bank  by May 2020.588 Israeli occupying authorities even obstructed measures  583  See Adalah, Before disaster strikes: Adalah submits urgent Israeli Supreme Court petition demanding  immediate access to coronavirus testing, bolstered ambulance services in Bedouin villages (14 April  2020) . 584  Al-Haq Israeli Apartheid Undermines Palestinian Right to Health Amidst COVID-19 Pandemic (7  April 2020) ; Al-Haq, JLAC, and MAP UK, COVID-19  and the Systematic Neglect , 7. 585  Al-Haq, JLAC, and MAP UK, COVID-19 and the Systematic Neglect , 6-7. 586  Al-Haq et al , Joint Open Letter – Protection of Palestinian Workers During and After COVID-19 (5  May 2020) 2 ; see also  Al-Haq, Civil Society Groups  Send Appeal to UN Special Procedures on the Rights and Dignity of Palestinian Workers in Israel  during COVID-19 (15 April 2020) . 587  Al-Haq, Civil Society Groups Send Appeal to UN Special Procedures on the Rights and Dignity  of Palestinian Workers in Israel during COVID-19 (15 April 2020) 3 ; see also Suha Arraf, ‘The moment a worker is sick, they throw him to the  checkpoint like a dog’ (+972 Magazine , 24 March 2020)  . 588  Al-Haq et al , Joint Open Letter – Protection of Palestinian Workers During and After COVID-19 (5  May 2020) 2 ; see also  Al-Haq, Civil Society Groups  Send Appeal to UN Special Procedures on the Rights and Dignity of Palestinian Workers in Israel  during COVID-19 (15 April 2020) . ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ140taken by the Palestinian Authority to contain the spread of Covid-19 among  Palestinian workers and their families by opening gates in the Annexation  Wall and clipping passages through barbed fence for returning Palestinian  workers, to circumvent Palestinian preparedness efforts.589 In Israeli prisons, the pandemic further exacerbated the vulnerabilities  of Palestinian prisoners and detainees. Despite global calls by UN human  rights experts for the release of those arbitrarily detained in the context  of Covid-19,590 including political prisoners591 and human rights defenders,592  the Israeli occupying authorities refused to do so. Meanwhile, the Israel  Prison Service started releasing hundreds of ‘non-violent prisoners’ in  March 2020 amid fears of a Covid-19 outbreak.593 Those selected for release  included prisoners serving lighter sentences and nearing the end of their  prison time selected on the basis of age and health condition, but excluded  Palestinian political prisoners.594 As Al-Haq and Addameer stressed at the  time, ‘[t]his decision lays bare Israel’s institutionalised regime of systematic  racial domination and oppression over the Palestinian people.’595 The Israeli  occupying authorities also failed to adequately mitigate the spread of  589  Al-Haq, Civil Society Groups Send Appeal to UN Special Procedures on the Rights and Dignity  of Palestinian Workers in Israel during COVID-19 (15 April 2020) 4 . 590  UN OHCHR, Urgent action needed to prevent COVID-19 “rampaging through places of detention”  – Bachelet (25 March 2020) . 591  UN OHCHR, Human rights experts call for immediate release of political prisoners and detainees in  Yemen given risk of spread of COVID-19 (30 March 2020) . 592  See, for example, OHCHR, Citing COVID risk, Bachelet calls on Iran to release jailed human rights  defenders (6 October 2020) . 593  The Jerusalem Post, ‘Israel releases 230 prisoners early to reduce crowding amid COVID-19 fears’  (29 March 2020) . 594  Al-Haq and Addameer, Joint Urgent Appeal to the United Nations Special Procedures: Urgent  Intervention Needed to Protect Palestinian Prisoners and Detainees in Israeli Prisons Amidst  Concerns over COVID-19 Exposure (1 April 2020) 3 . 595  Ibid ., 3. Israel’s Policies to Maintain Apartheid AL-HAQ141Covid-19 in Israeli prisons,596 including by continuing to arbitrarily detain  Palestinians during the pandemic.597 In July 2020, the Israeli Supreme  Court ruled that Palestinian prisoners and detainees had no right to social  distancing protection against Covid-19 in Israeli prisons.598 Critically, in early 2021, Israel’s discriminatory Covid-19 vaccination  campaign exposed Israeli ‘medical apartheid’ worldwide.599 In violation  of its obligations as the Occupying Power under Article 56 of the Fourth  Geneva Convention, Israel refused to vaccinate millions of Palestinians in  the occupied West Bank and Gaza Strip, even while it had vaccinated the  most individuals per capita in the world by mid-January 2021.600 The Israeli  authorities vaccinated Israeli settlers illegally residing in the occupied  West Bank as part of their overtly discriminatory vaccination programme,  even while excluding millions of Palestinians under prolonged Israeli  military occupation and illegal closure and blockade in the Gaza Strip  from receiving vaccines.601 The refusal to vaccinate Palestinians under  596  See Al-Haq, On Palestinian Prisoners’ Day, Civil Society Calls for Urgent Release of Palestinian  Prisoners and Detainees in Israeli Prisons (17 April 2020) . 597  Al-Haq, Israel’s Gross Violations of Human Rights in the Face of COVID-19 (Reporting Period 8 - 29             March 2020) (3 April 2020) . 598  Adalah, Israeli Supreme Court rules: Palestinian prisoners have no right to social distancing  protection against COVID-19 (23 July 2020) . 599  See, for example, Democracy Now, ‘“Medical Apartheid”: Israeli Vaccine Drive Excludes Millions of  Palestinians in Occupied Territories’ (5 January 2021) ; see also  Amnesty International,  Denying COVID-19 vaccines to Palestinians exposes Israel’s institutionalized discrimination (6  January 2021)  ; Al-Haq, Racism and  Institutionalised Discrimination in the Roll-Out of the COVID-19 Vaccine (18 January 2021) . 600  Times of Israel, ‘Israel hits 2 million vaccinated with 1st dose; police to up closure enforcement’  (14 January 2021)  . 601  See, for example, Guy Davies, ‘Israel is leading the world in its vaccinations, but the program is  not without controversy’ (ABC News, 16 January 2021) ; Mustafa Barghouthi,  ‘Israel’s Vaccination Drive Is Going Great. But We’re Being Sidelined’ (The New York Times, 12  January 2021) ; Oliver Holmes and Hazem Balousha, ‘Palestinians excluded from Israeli Covid vaccine rollout  as jabs go to settlers’ (The Guardian , 3 January 2021) . ISRAELI  APARTHEID Tool of Zionist Settler Colonialism AL-HAQ142occupation,602 coupled with obstruction of the Palestinian Authority’s  vaccination efforts,603 violate Israel’s obligations under international  humanitarian law and international human rights law. Notably, the  International Commission of Jurists found that ‘[t]o the extent that the  lack of necessary COVID-19 vaccines has caused deaths among the Gaza  population, or endangered their right to life, Israel’s policies and practices  have… breached article 6 of the ICCPR.’604 By 26 October 2022, only 51.4  per cent have been fully vaccinated against Covid-19 in the occupied  Palestinian territory according to the World Health Organization (WHO),605  and as of 18 November 2022, there have been 5,708 Covid-19-related  deaths in the occupied Palestinian territory.606 6.2.3 De-development, Fragmentation, and Discriminatory  Healthcare Provision The Israeli authorities’ discriminatory Covid-19 response falls within  a broader policy to de-develop the Palestinian healthcare system and  fragment the Palestinian people and the occupied Palestinian territory.607  The prolonged Israeli occupation and illegal closure and blockade of the  Gaza Strip, denial of sovereignty over natural resources,608 movement and  access restrictions, and further discriminatory measures have undermined  the development of the Palestinian healthcare system and the functioning  602  Yara Hawari, ‘The dark side of Israel’s vaccine success story’ (Al Jazeera , 11 January 2021) . 603  Oliver Holmes, ‘Israel blocked Covid vaccines from entering Gaza, say Palestinians’ (The Guardian ,  16 February 2021) . 604  International Commission of Jurists, Under Occupation: Unprotected and Unvaccinated Israel’s  Denial of Equitable Access to COVID19 Vaccines in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (October  2021) 20 . 605  WHO, COVID-19 vaccination in the occupied Palestinian territory (26 October 2022) . 606  WHO, WHO Health Emergency Dashboard (18 November 2022) . 607  See WHO, Right to Health 2018 (October 2019) 16